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Tear Down This Myth: How the Reagan Legacy Has Distorted Our Politics and Haunts Our Future Hardcover – February 3, 2009
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With clear eyes and an ever-present wit, Bunch reveals the truth about the Ronald Reagan legacy, including the following:
- Despite the idolatry of the last fifteen years, Reagan's average popularity as president was only, well, average, lower than that of a half-dozen modern presidents. More important, while he was in office, a majority of Americans opposed most of his policies and by 1988 felt strongly that the nation was on the wrong track. Reagan's 1981 tax cut, weighted heavily toward the rich, did not cause the economic recovery of the 1980s. It was fueled instead by dropping oil prices, the normal business cycle, and the tight fiscal policies of the chairman of the Federal Reserve appointed by Jimmy Carter. Reagan's tax cut did, however, help usher in the deregulated modern era of CEO and Wall Street greed.
- Most historians agree that Reagan's waste-ridden military buildup didn't actually "win the Cold War." And Reagan mythmakers ignore his real contributions -- his willingness to talk to his Soviet adversaries, his genuine desire to eliminate nuclear weapons, and the surprising role of a "liberal" Hollywood-produced TV movie.
- George H. W. Bush's and Bill Clinton's rolling back of Reaganomics during the 1990s spurred a decade of peace and prosperity as well as the reactionary campaign to pump up the myth of Ronald Reagan and restore right-wing hegemony over Washington. This effort has led to war, bankrupt energy policies, and coming generations of debt.
With masterful insight, Bunch exposes this dangerous effort to reshape America's future by rewriting its past. As the Obama administration charts its course, he argues, it should do so unencumbered by the dead weight of misplaced and unearned reverence.
- Print length288 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherFree Press
- Publication dateFebruary 3, 2009
- Dimensions6 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-10141659762X
- ISBN-13978-1416597629
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- Publisher : Free Press (February 3, 2009)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 288 pages
- ISBN-10 : 141659762X
- ISBN-13 : 978-1416597629
- Item Weight : 1 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,285,195 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #732 in Public Affairs & Administration (Books)
- #902 in Political Parties (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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Customers find the book well-documented, informative, and factual. They also describe it as a thrilling and quick read.
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Customers find the book well-documented, informative, and fair. They appreciate the perfect references and descriptions. Readers also mention the book is smart, well-researched, and objective.
"...The Myth was designed to be selective and simplistic. A basic tenet was that Reagan was a homespun public intellectual...." Read more
"...Overall a very informative book about a very interesting subject." Read more
"...It does not demonize Reagan. It just gives a simple and factual account and even goes into great detail explaining how the myth of Ronald Reagan has..." Read more
"...The book is especially effective in demonstrating, contrary to the myth, that Reagan in many ways was quite pragmatic...." Read more
Customers find the book very good, thrilling, and a quick read. They also say it fills in some details about Reagan.
"...At his most indignant, Bunch is thrilling to read ... unless, of course, the reader happens to be one of the dupes of Reaganite mythification...." Read more
"...don't spend, they invest, but not always in the U.S. This is an enjoyable read, but it needs updating to reflect some of the thinking since 2008." Read more
"...It was in excellent condition. It was a very good read althoug a little repetitive in its argumentation at times...." Read more
"Very quick read and fills in some details about Reagan. I thought it was even-handed even in its criticism and I came away with a more balanced view." Read more
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Central to Bunch's outrage is his perception that Ronald Reagan wasn't really much of a Reaganite. That's Wilentz's conclusion also, and the message of the earlier book "Ronald Reagan and the Triumph of American Conservatism" by historian Jules Tygiel. Though Reagan preached his minimal-government anti-tax sermons with polished consistency, the "facts' show that he never accomplished what he professed. (Thank goodness! It could have been worse!) His first catastrophic tax redistribution of 1981 was followed by sundry tax increases, all warranted by realities on the ground. He never effectively made any effort to reduce the size of government; in fact, the federal government grew during his administration, though not nearly as fast as the Cost of that government, as revealed by the stubborn lugubrious fact of the crushing deficits he left as a legacy. Bunch joins hands with most sensible historians in applauding Reagan's occasional pragmatism and especially his sincere, humane, idealistic commitment to Peace, to a world free of the fear of nuclear havoc. Like Wilentz, Bunch gives Reagan all honor for his rejection of hard-line Cold War intransigence of the neo-con stamp, and for his willingness to recognize the same commitment as his own in negotiations with Gorbachev over nuclear reductions. In short, Reagan's contribution to "ending the Cold War" was largely his ability to compromise, to jettison ideology when ideology had become blind.
Bunch also derides the mythic exaggerations by later Party propagandists of Reagan's popularity with the American people during his two terms. The notion that Reagan brought pride and optimism back to America, after the turmoil of the 60s and the `malaise' of the 70s, is essential to electioneering Reaganism. That it's a partial truth at best is simply an inconvenience for the right-wing pundits... precisely what Reagan himself inadvertanty expressed in his famous misquotation of John Adams: "Facts are stupid things..." He corrected himself, of course: Facts are stubborn things. But Will Bunch has found the corollary: Myths are stubborn things.
What truly fuels Will Bunch's indignation is his perception that the mythic Reagan has ousted the real Reagan from public awareness, and that Reaganism has corrupted the democratic process in America. The "legacy" has become a curse. "Image" has replaced the essential democratic notion of the "informed electorate." Alas, we've all seen that happening, haven't we, honestly? But Bunch is not himself another ranter from the left-side bleachers. He shows his mettle by his willingness to admit something many of "us" have tried to ignore: that Barack Obama may well be closer to Ronald Reagan, at least in style and perhaps in substance, than we ever hoped or feared. Now there, my friends, is a scary thought! Why, that should be enough to induce the most idolatrous Reaganite to wade through the 200 pages of Bunch's tirade, just for the irony!
Just as the death of Ronald Reagan in 2004 brought forth a plethora of worshipful hagiographies and self-serving memoirs, the collapse of the Reaganite Republican consensus in 2008 has opened the book shelves for substantial re-evaluations and snarky debunkings of "the Myth". Will Bunch has written a book that's a little of both. There IS an urgent need in America for a regenerative pragmatism and eschewing of ideologies. There IS a need for the instinctive humanism of Ronald Reagan, of the sort that recognized that "collateral damage" - the slaying of civilians, torture, etc. - was in itself terrorism. Instead, I fear, as Bunch does, the lie-machine will grind on for at least the next decade; today, in fact, I read in my morning paper that a new "Reagan" application is being marketed for iPhones. Beware of believing your own deceptions, Reaganites! Remember what became of the USSR when Gorbachev started preaching `glasnost'! Facts get more stubborn as time passes, and I can promise that historians will inevitably "tear down this myth" and replace it with a horse laugh.
A major reason why a contrived version could be built is that Reagan died in 2004 at the age of 93, after suffering from Alzheimer's for many years before his death. As a result, any direct role in defining his own legacy was over long before his death. No, it was for others to define this myth, not so much for his posterity, as for the contemporary benefit of conservative political candidates.
Not included in the myth, as developed, is the fact that the national debt increased from $700 billion to $3 trillion over his eight-year administration. Also not included is that Reagan never denounced his signing and approval of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act. And his tax cuts of 1981 that we hear so much about were followed by tax hikes every single year thereafter that we do NOT hear about. Additionally, the size of the federal government grew significantly during the Reagan years. And his involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal was probably the biggest blunder of his Presidency.
Some neutral points are that Reagan ran for President against a relatively unpopular and weakened President Jimmy Carter, and that his business experience was limited to his tenure as Governor of California. Additionally, he was President in 1987 when the DOW had a one-day drop of 508 points.
To his credit, as President, Reagan many times showed the ability to compromise and to be pragmatic. And with his sincere belief in the superiority of democracy and capitalism, he met with confidence with Soviet ruler Mikhail Gorbachev, with whom he worked to reduce the world's supply of nuclear weapons. He also felt strongly that it would be inappropriate to kill civilians, unintentionally or not, in response to terrorist acts. He favored surrogate armies to do the fighting, not American soldiers. And, he once said, "The United States does not start fights. We will never be the aggressor."
Back to the negatives, the author tells us that Reagan:
* Failed to address AIDs or homelessness in any meaningful way as President;
* Failed to foresee the limited future of cheap oil-based fuel or the warming of the planet;
* Did extraordinary damage to the middle class and working people;
* For the most part, showed an obvious callousness toward African-Americans;
* Resisted increasing power of federal regulators, leading to the S&L crisis soon after he left office;
* Oversaw an increasing sense that greed was good and an increasing gap between the salaries of corporate CEOs and the average worker;
* Saw unemployment rise to 10.5% and his approval rating drop to 35%;
* Reportedly opposed Medicare when it was introduced in 1965;
* Raised payroll taxes on workers in 1983;
* Approved the spending of billions of dollars on new weapons systems, which required money the nation did not have;
* Near the end of his second term, was described as being "weak, out of touch, distracted."
As for the myth, the author says that the major thrust to build it began in 1998 at the time of the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal. And, by his death in the summer of 2004, the occasion of his funeral was billed by some as "a legacy-building event." George W. Bush used the momentum of this effort to gain a narrow victory in the 2004 Presidential election.
The Myth was designed to be selective and simplistic. A basic tenet was that Reagan was a homespun public intellectual. Also included was the belief that Reagan's buildup of the military caused the Berlin Wall to tumble, when, in fact, communist Russia was clearly collapsing under its own weight. And it said that Reagan was a man of God, when he had seldom attended a church when President. And that he shrunk the size of government, when, in fact, it had increased during his tenure. Plus the perception that "there is no problem that cannot be solved with a mixture of optimism and painless policy choices."
Per the author, the Reagan Library is "a great place to escape the real world." There, the President is seen to be all about reducing taxes and shrinking government. There is no mention of the Iran-Contra affair. And even his nomadic alcoholic father is depicted as having stood for "the value of hard work and ambition."
Per one source, "Reagan embraced the consumer-oriented, pleasure-seeking culture that seemed to thrive during the 1980's and 1990's." In polls that rank our U.S. Presidents, he comes out above average in most. But what is hard to distinguish is whether voters of these polls are evaluating the real President Reagan or the myth. After reading this book, I feel that I have a much better understanding of the differences between the two.





