Jack Goldsmith's "The Terror Presidency: Law and Judgment Inside the Bush Administration" is a provocative and important first-hand account of a small piece of the legal war on terrorism. Jack Goldsmith served as the head of the Office of Legal Counsel, the DOJ office in charge of providing authoritative legal advice to the President) for a brief time during the Bush II Administration.
The book is an easy read and is very engaging. Goldsmith describes how he got the job at OLC and the personalities of many of the President's and Vice-President's legal advisors that he dealt with regularly. Most importantly, Goldsmith describes the most famous - and for him, most difficult - decisions that he made by withdrawing two earlier legal decisions concerning torture.
Most interestingly, and despite the misleading title (Goldsmith doesn't argue that President Bush ran a terror presidency; instead, that his presidency was overshadowed by the terror threat), Goldsmith is not very critical of the overall legal posture of the Bush presidency. Instead, he criticizes the tactics taken by many in the administration for claiming overly-broad executive power when that posture was not necessary. Instead, that extreme view has caused a reaction against the President's legal policies. He also discusses how the fears of further terror attacks drove the policies in the White House. Finally, Goldsmith argues that this new emphasis on legal opinions is the result of the criminalization of warfare and the "gotcha" investigations that pervade Washington, D.C. He claims that these attitudes unnecessarily hinder (and place in jeopardy) the intelligence and military operatives responsible for implementing policies.
This is an illuminating book, although at times it is a bit short on details that leaves the reader wanting more substance - probably because many of the issues that Goldsmith worked on were and still are classified. This book is a must-read for anyone interested in the legal policies and controversies during the early years of the War on Terror.
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The Terror Presidency: Law and Judgment Inside the Bush Administration Hardcover – September 10, 2007
by
Jack Goldsmith
(Author)
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A central player's account of the clash between the rule of law and the necessity of defending America.
Jack Goldsmith's duty as head of the Office of Legal Counsel was to advise President Bush what he could and could not do...legally. Goldsmith took the job in October 2003 and began to review the work of his predecessors. Their opinions were the legal framework governing the conduct of the military and intelligence agencies in the war on terror, and he found many―especially those regulating the treatment and interrogation of prisoners―that were deeply flawed.Goldsmith is a conservative lawyer who understands the imperative of averting another 9/11. But his unflinching insistence that we abide by the law put him on a collision course with powerful figures in the administration. Goldsmith's fascinating analysis of parallel legal crises in the Lincoln and Roosevelt administrations shows why Bush's apparent indifference to human rights has damaged his presidency and, perhaps, his standing in history. 8 pages of photographs
- Print length256 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherW. W. Norton & Company
- Publication dateSeptember 10, 2007
- Dimensions6.5 x 1 x 9.6 inches
- ISBN-100393065502
- ISBN-13978-0393065503
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About the Author
Jack Goldsmith is the Henry L. Shattuck Professor of Law at Harvard University. From October 2003 to June 2004 he was assistant attorney general, Office of Legal Counsel. He lives in Newton, Massachusetts.
Product details
- Publisher : W. W. Norton & Company; First Edition (September 10, 2007)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 256 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0393065502
- ISBN-13 : 978-0393065503
- Item Weight : 14.7 ounces
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1 x 9.6 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,060,491 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,810 in Political Freedom (Books)
- #2,197 in Human Rights Law (Books)
- #2,199 in Legal History (Books)
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Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2010
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Reviewed in the United States on October 3, 2007
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This is a rare book in our polarized age: a book about the Bush Administration that doesn't paint the participants as either angels or demons. Jack Goldsmith is a former Bush Administration official who took over as the point man in the Administration's anti-terrorism legal strategy just as that house of cards, hastily erected in the aftermath of 9/11, began to collapse. He obviously had some "issues" with how that strategy was being handled, but might as well have been banging his head against a wall. His frustration is palpable as he loses one bureaucratic battle after another against other factions in the Administration, and he finally left his post after less than a year. What makes the book unusual is that Goldsmith doesn't demonize his antagonists; to the contrary, he portrays them as reasonable people doing what they thought was best to protect the country. His view is that, in their zeal to protect and enhance executive power, they wound up diminishing it, by pursuing a go-it-alone approach that ultimately backfired. But this is a dispute over means, not ends. Those who are looking for a broad-based indictment of the Bush Administration are looking in the wrong place. Instead, this book is about the messy intersection of policy, politics, and principle in the Age of Terror. It should be required reading for anyone interested in becoming a government lawyer. Particularly interesting is his thesis that "The Terror Presidency" is not limited to this Administration, but is a fact of life in our times, and will continue regardless of who wins the White House in 2008. Definitely an engaging and erudite read.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 11, 2008
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This book is good example of how not even intellectually honest conservative could survive the radical ideology of the Bush Administration. Jack Goldsmith lasted only 9 months as head of the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) before having to resign.
Goldsmith took office in October 2003. His time in office, though brief, was spent thinking and opining about some of the most complex wartime decisions about executive branch power any administration has ever encountered. Little did he know that people he considered to be fellow conservatives were actually radicals who cared nothing about the separation of powers and did everything they could to undermine it and shape legal opinions accordingly.
That is what all the debate today about a "unitary executive" concerns. The radicals maintained that there were no constraints on a President in wartime. Goldsmith, a real conservative scholar, knew otherwise.
Not many people know of the OLC, or its function and its influence within the executive branch of government (including me until I read this book). As part of the Department of Justice it addresses legal issues facing executive branch decisions. OLC legal opinions, if they approve an executive branch decision, all but confer immunity from prosecution for actions taken by government officials.
Prior to Goldmith's arrival, John Yoo, a friend of Goldsmith's but a radical in conservative's clothing, had already issued the famous "torture (interrogation) memos" of August 2002 and March 2003 under the auspices of the OLC. The CIA called them the "golden shield" and others in government referred to them as "get out of jail free" cards.
Goldsmith's description of Yoo's legal reasoning in authoring the interrogation memos (one for CIA and one for DOD) shows Yoo, not the law, to be an ass. Yoo, an alleged war expert still teaches at Berkeley. If Berkeley grants him tenure after this book, shame on it.
Goldsmith, in an unprecedented action, had to withdraw the memos and subject government officials to legal liability because of Yoo's unbelievably inept legal reasoning. He resigned the same day he withdrew Yoo's memo for the CIA, June 15, 2004. He was no longer welcome in the Bush Administration.
The main villain of the piece is David Addington, Vice President Cheney's (who else?) chief legal counsel. If Addington is a conservative, Genghis Khan was just a peaceful nomad passing through European cities. Addington's extreme legal views on presidential war-making powers held sway in an administration that was panicked after 9/11 and saw Congress and the courts only as obstacles to an effective anti-terror program.
Goldsmith, realizing there were limits on presidential power even in wartime had no chance against Addington's bullying influence. Typical of a radical, Addington's basic mantra was that if you oppose unlimited executive power you are not just wrong, you are a traitor.
Other issues that Goldsmith had to address that are of great interest are the concept of extralegality, a president's prerogative power, indefinite detention of suspected terrorists, rendition, and the Geneva Conventions.
The irony is that, like many conservatives, Goldsmith ends up relying on the actions of a liberal Democrat as the ideal for how to handle controversial issues. He does an excellent job of explaining how FDR used political craftsmanship to enlist Congress, the courts, and the public at large to back the expansion of his wartime powers. Goldsmith indicts the Bush administration for its radically opposite stonewall policy.
Though intellectually honest on legal issues, Goldsmith displays the same antiquated notions as other conservatives in politics. His references to "lefties" at Harvard, "hippies" in Boston (what? they were ad-men) and Scooter Libby falling into a "perjury trap" display a political naif at work outside his area of expertise. He does need stick to the law.
He is also less than forthright regarding the Iraq War. He does not even mention it until almost three-quarters into the book. It is an obvious sign that he is reluctant in having to admit that White House deception in getting us into that war made all further anti-terrorist actions by the administration suspect throughout the world, though he finally does.
Goldsmith's complaint that wartime executive powers have been hamstrung by legal restraints by congressional action after Watergate rings hollow. This is especially true when he concludes that all of the legal problems could have been avoided if the Bush administration had only cooperated with the other branches of government rather than acting in secret and unilaterally in its anti-terror efforts.
If anything, that conclusion makes it seem even more necessary to legally constrain an executive run amok.
Goldsmith took office in October 2003. His time in office, though brief, was spent thinking and opining about some of the most complex wartime decisions about executive branch power any administration has ever encountered. Little did he know that people he considered to be fellow conservatives were actually radicals who cared nothing about the separation of powers and did everything they could to undermine it and shape legal opinions accordingly.
That is what all the debate today about a "unitary executive" concerns. The radicals maintained that there were no constraints on a President in wartime. Goldsmith, a real conservative scholar, knew otherwise.
Not many people know of the OLC, or its function and its influence within the executive branch of government (including me until I read this book). As part of the Department of Justice it addresses legal issues facing executive branch decisions. OLC legal opinions, if they approve an executive branch decision, all but confer immunity from prosecution for actions taken by government officials.
Prior to Goldmith's arrival, John Yoo, a friend of Goldsmith's but a radical in conservative's clothing, had already issued the famous "torture (interrogation) memos" of August 2002 and March 2003 under the auspices of the OLC. The CIA called them the "golden shield" and others in government referred to them as "get out of jail free" cards.
Goldsmith's description of Yoo's legal reasoning in authoring the interrogation memos (one for CIA and one for DOD) shows Yoo, not the law, to be an ass. Yoo, an alleged war expert still teaches at Berkeley. If Berkeley grants him tenure after this book, shame on it.
Goldsmith, in an unprecedented action, had to withdraw the memos and subject government officials to legal liability because of Yoo's unbelievably inept legal reasoning. He resigned the same day he withdrew Yoo's memo for the CIA, June 15, 2004. He was no longer welcome in the Bush Administration.
The main villain of the piece is David Addington, Vice President Cheney's (who else?) chief legal counsel. If Addington is a conservative, Genghis Khan was just a peaceful nomad passing through European cities. Addington's extreme legal views on presidential war-making powers held sway in an administration that was panicked after 9/11 and saw Congress and the courts only as obstacles to an effective anti-terror program.
Goldsmith, realizing there were limits on presidential power even in wartime had no chance against Addington's bullying influence. Typical of a radical, Addington's basic mantra was that if you oppose unlimited executive power you are not just wrong, you are a traitor.
Other issues that Goldsmith had to address that are of great interest are the concept of extralegality, a president's prerogative power, indefinite detention of suspected terrorists, rendition, and the Geneva Conventions.
The irony is that, like many conservatives, Goldsmith ends up relying on the actions of a liberal Democrat as the ideal for how to handle controversial issues. He does an excellent job of explaining how FDR used political craftsmanship to enlist Congress, the courts, and the public at large to back the expansion of his wartime powers. Goldsmith indicts the Bush administration for its radically opposite stonewall policy.
Though intellectually honest on legal issues, Goldsmith displays the same antiquated notions as other conservatives in politics. His references to "lefties" at Harvard, "hippies" in Boston (what? they were ad-men) and Scooter Libby falling into a "perjury trap" display a political naif at work outside his area of expertise. He does need stick to the law.
He is also less than forthright regarding the Iraq War. He does not even mention it until almost three-quarters into the book. It is an obvious sign that he is reluctant in having to admit that White House deception in getting us into that war made all further anti-terrorist actions by the administration suspect throughout the world, though he finally does.
Goldsmith's complaint that wartime executive powers have been hamstrung by legal restraints by congressional action after Watergate rings hollow. This is especially true when he concludes that all of the legal problems could have been avoided if the Bush administration had only cooperated with the other branches of government rather than acting in secret and unilaterally in its anti-terror efforts.
If anything, that conclusion makes it seem even more necessary to legally constrain an executive run amok.
8 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on August 13, 2019
Verified Purchase
It was decent at most



