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Texas Tough: The Rise of America's Prison Empire Paperback – Illustrated, October 26, 2010
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In the prison business, all roads lead to Texas. A pioneer in criminal justice severity―from assembly-line executions to supermax isolation, from mandatory sentencing to prison privatization―Texas is the most locked-down state in the most incarcerated country in the world. Texas Tough, a sweeping history of American imprisonment from the days of slavery to the present, explains how a plantation-based penal system once dismissed as barbaric became a template for the nation.
Drawing on the individual stories as well as authoritative research, Texas Tough reveals the true origins of America's prison juggernaut and points toward a more just and humane future.
- Print length512 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPicador
- Publication dateOctober 26, 2010
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.14 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100312680473
- ISBN-13978-0312680473
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“A searching history of American incarceration, and an important reckoning . . . an alarming indictment, built on passionate and exhaustive research.” ―The New York Times Book Review
“Compelling... A gripping history lesson and a fascinating read.” ―San Francisco Chronicle
“Perkinson makes a convincing case that mass incarceration is the most pressing civil rights issue today… Essential reading if the nation ever hopes to move in a different, less-punitive and more-rehabilitative direction.” ―The Boston Globe
“Takes readers on an eminently horrifying journey into America's own heart of darkness.” ―Columbia Journalism Review
“A rich narrative… Perkinson directs the clear light of reason onto the Lone Star State.” ―The Morning News
“An intensively researched, disturbing history of American penology… A convincing and discouraging argument that the Texas model of a profit-making, retributive prison system has become the national template.” ―Kirkus Reviews
“Sheds light on the evolution of penal systems across the country… A fascinating and often deeply troubling book.” ―Booklist
“Texas Tough is a raw, compelling assessment of racial disparity and southern culture as they have determined the massive over-incarceration of African Americans. If you want to understand how politics, not crime control, governs today's prison population, read this book. Anyone concerned with justice and fairness should place this on their must-read list.” ―Charles J. Ogletree Jr., Jesse Climenko Professor of Law, Harvard Law School, and author of When Law Fails
“This book is a Texas Death Match between David (Robert Perkinson) and Goliath (the American prison system). Goliath is armed, violent, massive, and hard to bring down, but David has a sling and a book full of smooth stones taken from the brook of history.” ―Marcus Rediker, author of The Slave Ship: A Human History
“Texas Tough is a powerful study of the Texas prison system, its profit-driven administration, its history and its critical impact on the U.S. national prison system. Based on superb research that traces the racial assumptions of today's criminal system to the ideas of race developed during American slavery, Texas Tough is a gracefully written work of wide-ranging, impressive historical knowledge.” ―James Oliver Horton, author of Landmarks of African American History
“A brilliant and riveting account of the nation's most important prison system. Perkinson describes its growth with extraordinary care given to the daily lives of the inmates, the institutional structures, and the philosophy of punishment (including the death penalty) that seem immune to innovation and reform. Texas provides a perfect lens to study America's exploding prison problems today, and Perkinson in an ideal guide. As both an original history of punishment and a critique of current issues of race, violence, and incarceration, Texas Tough is in a class by itself.” ―David Oshinsky, author of "Worse Than Slavery": Parchman Farm and the Ordeal of Jim Crow Justice
“The United States maintains the largest penal system in the world. With his powerful story of the prisons of Texas, Robert Perkinson shows how we came to this desperate condition. It is a story we all need to understand and there is no better place to comprehend the origins and evolution of this national tragedy.” ―Edward Ayers, author of The Promise of the New South
“Texas Tough is a gripping work of history, but its most important lesson is about the country we live in today. We cannot fulfill America's promise of liberty and justice until we address the crisis of mass incarceration. Every social justice advocate and policy maker in the nation needs to read this book.” ―Ann Beeson, Executive Director, Open Society Institute
“Texas Tough is the most important history of crime and punishment in America since David Rothman's The Discovery of the Asylum. It will transform our understanding of not only crime and punishment but also the nature of historical change in the United States, which is not driven, as we believe, by progress or even the idea of progress, but by regress. Robert Perkinson shows us that the past continuously structures and constrains every effort to re-imagine and reform the present. This is no small achievement.” ―Corey Robin, author of Fear: The History of a Political Idea
“Texas Tough shows that the politics of race has always governed the politics of punishment and explains why our criminal justice system is the frontline of America's human rights struggle in the twenty-first century. This book is a must-read for anyone who wants to build a stronger America and put these decades of over-incarceration (and under-education) of Americans behind us.” ―Benjamin Todd Jealous, President, NAACP
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
1PRISON HEARTLAND
There’s tough. And then there’s Texas tough.
—LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR DAVID DEWHURST
If we are to fully understand the causes and consequences of America’s prison buildup, a good place to start is Huntsville, Texas. Although dozens of prison-dominated communities now dot the American landscape from Florence, Arizona, to Wallens Ridge, Virginia, Huntsville stands above the rest: It is the most locked-down town in the most prison-friendly state in the most incarcerated country in the world. Although America’s sprawling penal system—a collection of some five thousand federal and state prisons, not to mention local jails—is highly decentralized, Huntsville, perhaps even more than Washington, D.C., could stake a claim to serve as its capital city. For 160 years, it has coordinated criminal punishment for the Lone Star State and in the last half century, it has stood at the forefront of a carceral revolution that has remade American society and governance.
A sleepy town surrounded by pine forests and tumbledown farms, seventy miles north of Houston, Huntsville was selected in 1848 to build the state’s first residential institution, a penitentiary. Ever since, the community’s fortunes have depended on crime and punishment; as Texas’s prison system grew, so did Huntsville. “We sort of live within the shadows of the Walls,“ comments Jim Willett, a longtime resident and former warden. “Three times a day we hear the ‘all clear’ count whistle. When you think about it, it marks the passing of our days.”
Today more than ever, imprisonment is Huntsville’s lifeblood. Nearly half of the town’s residents (16,227 out of 35,567) live behind bars. Some 7,500 adults earn their paychecks keeping them there. Each morning, thousands of guards in ill-fitting gray uniforms pile into pickups and head to one of the area’s nine prisons, while starched administrators drive to one of the offices that make up the Texas Department of Criminal Justice (TDCJ) headquarters. From their cubicles they oversee the largest state prison system in the United States, one that incarcerates more people than Germany, France, Belgium, and the Netherlands combined. “We’ve grown so massive, we need a building like the Pentagon,“ remarks a harried TDCJ bureaucrat.
At first glance, Huntsville looks like any other small southern city. National chains dominate the two main highway exits. In prosperous neighborhoods, spacious homes line up behind tidy lawns along wide, oak-draped streets. In the poorest sections, weather-worn shotgun houses share overgrown lots with rusting trailers. Although Huntsville has a college, Sam Houston State University, churches outnumber bars and hunting shops outnumber cinemas. A well-kept central plaza features a new limestone court house, but downtown merchants have fallen on hard times since Wal-Mart began siphoning retail dollars to the outskirts. Roger’s Shoes and Ernst Jewelers cling to life behind historic storefronts, but out of habit more than profit. Like most American towns, Hunts-ville is increasingly governed by the economics of scale and the geography of parking.
What sets Huntsville apart is the prison business. Just a stone’s throw from the plaza rises the town’s most impressive and imposing building, a redbrick fortress known as “the Walls,“ Texas’s flagship penitentiary. Surrounded by twenty-five-foot fortifications, the Walls complex contains a small town in its own right: office space, kitchen facilities, an auto shop, massive classrooms, a chapel, an infirmary, and, most famously, the busiest death house in the nation. Some of the structures are twenty-first-century vintage, others nineteenth. “Working at the Walls you have a special sense of history,“ says Willett, a heavyset man with droopy eyes who served as warden for four years. Some longtime residents claim the prison has been locking up and executing offenders for so long that restless ghosts prowl its dusty tiers.
The Walls is Huntsville’s icon, but rival landmarks abound. Just beyond the prison’s eastern gun towers, a crumbling stadium recalls the “world’s toughest rodeo,“ a gladiatorial convict spectacular that served as one of Texas’s main tourist attractions between 1931 and 1986. A short walk down the road sits an army surplus store, formerly named Bustin’ Loose Mens Wear, the first stop for roughly two hundred prisoners released daily. Adjacent to the Greyhound station, where ex-cons exchange vouchers for one-way tickets to Dallas or Houston, the shop buys used prison-issue boots for two dollars and proudly announces, “TDCJ discharge checks cashed for free.” Many prisoners spend their entire fifty-dollar allotment before they leave town.
For less fortunate inmates who are discharged in boxes rather than boots, the final destination is often a somber expanse of lawn spread out behind the prison’s back gate: Captain Joe Byrd Cemetery. With spare concrete crosses forming gridlines across the grass—like Arlington without the honor—the graveyard has marked the end of the line for forsaken convicts for as long as anyone can remember. In the older sections, weather-beaten headstones are sinking into the soil, many of them identified only by a prison number, some marked with an X for execution. Along the edge, a row of fresh pits covered by metal plates await another round of indigents. Resting against one headstone, a faded display of blue plastic flowers spells out “DAD.”
Drive in any direction from the Walls and you will soon run into other TDCJ institutions: a massive transfer facility that brings new inmates into the system, a gleaming supermax that points toward Texas’s high-tech future, or an expansive prison plantation that gestures toward its past.
Residents of Huntsville are conscious, even proud of their prison history. In 1989, a local foundation opened the Texas Prison Museum, a squat redbrick building made to resemble a prison, wedged between two real prisons on the north side of town. Jim Willett, whose gentle manner and nasal voice are hard to reconcile with his long career as a warden, serves as the museum’s director. Four days a week, he works the front desk, hawking bobble-head convict dolls and sharing escape and riot stories with oldtimers who drop by in the afternoons. Although the museum’s exhibit room features humdrum poster-board displays, visitors take their time. They inspect faded striped uniforms, rusted cane knives, and a thick leather strap known as “the Bat.” Clyde Barrow of Bonnie and Clyde fame, the state’s most notorious escapee, and Fred Carrasco, its most infamous hostage taker, have special prominence, as does the prison system’s epic civil rights lawsuit, Ruiz v. Estelle, in which Texas prisons were declared “cruel and unusual” by a federal judge in 1980. What holds visitors’ gaze the longest, however, is a sturdy, stiff-backed, generously proportioned oak armchair with leather restraints and a metal headband. This is Old Sparky, the electric chair that Texas officials used to cut short 361 lives between 1924 and 1964.
Most visitors don’t realize that Willett himself supervised eighty-nine executions—albeit standing over a gurney rather than a chair—more than any other living American. If they stop to ask, he’ll say that executions were the most unpleasant part of his job. “I guess I haven’t fully made up my mind about the death penalty,“ he said shortly after we first met, an honest but jarring remark from a man who used to carry it out, sometimes two or three times a week. Having read through grisly case briefings prepared by the Texas attorney general, Willett is convinced that most of the men and women he watched die earned their fate. But as a Christian, he isn’t sure it was his due to seal it.
Huntsville packs its prison memories, both flattering and unsettling, into this modest, sun-baked museum, but history spills beyond it. To outsiders, the town can feel like a living theme park, a grittier version of Colonial Williamsburg. The stately homes of top TDCJ administrators are tended by convict “yard boys” with outdoor trusty status. When I stopped to ask for directions on one of my first visits, a portly African American trusty quickly reminded me that deferential etiquette still rules. Dropping his rake, he hoofed it over to my rental, hat in hand, and asked, “Yes sir, what can I do for you, boss?” Up the road at the gate to the Wynne Farm, Texas’s oldest prison plantation, I watched as a squad of convict cotton pickers, almost all of them black, marched out to the fields, their duck-cloth coveralls gleaming in the early morning light. Trailing them on horse back was a white overseer, a 30-30 jostling in his scabbard.
Southern justice brings southern history close to the surface in Huntsville, lending credence to William Faulkner’s oft-cited observation that in the South, “the past is never dead, it’s not even past.” Yet Huntsville isn’t trapped looking backward. Thanks overwhelmingly to the state’s breakneck prison buildup, it’s racing into the future. Since 1980, the local prison workforce has more than qua drupled, and although prison jobs are low paying, new strip malls, highway interchanges, and pre-fab apartment complexes all attest to economic growth. As Forbes magazine observes, Huntsville is a “town where crime pays.”
To a remarkable extent, this unassuming backwoods community has become a crossroads. Thousands of law enforcement and corrections officers cycle through each year for training, while inmates, by the tens of thousands, arrive for intake or discharge. From TDCJ’s headquarters across the street from the Walls, administrators manage a $2.4 billion annual corrections bud get. They supervise a free-wo...
Product details
- Publisher : Picador; First edition (October 26, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 512 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0312680473
- ISBN-13 : 978-0312680473
- Item Weight : 1.45 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.14 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #949,763 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #836 in Law Enforcement (Books)
- #955 in Law Enforcement Politics
- #3,591 in Criminology (Books)
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About the author

Robert Perkinson is an associate professor of American Studies at the University of Hawai'i at Manoa. He grew up in Jackson Hole, Wyoming and spent his summers in Mississippi. He became interested in the breathtaking growth of imprisonment while studying at the University of Colorado at Boulder in the 1990s and began the research for this book in graduate school at Yale University. His writings have appeared in The Nation, Boston Review, Progressive, and other forums. This is his first book.
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I am a conservative Texan who has spent years visiting prisoners in Texas prisons; have studied Texas prison history and taught courses about it; and have grieved for the plight of many inmates who are victims of an overzealous punishment system. I had long struggled to understand why the system is so harsh and uncaring. Texas Tough filled that void.
Perkinson is a master of the adjective - producing lively and readable text. But he is also extremely thorough. Every fact and quote is well documented and gives a cohesive picture. Read with a magic marker - you will see much you want to use in your re-thinking process. Rather than attempting to dispute his disparaging facts or their selection, focus upon your own answers to two questions of "What have we done to our own humankind?" And, "What can I do to help change it?"
By the way, the "conservatives" who are mentioned as taking over the state after Reconstruction were Democrats that were "conservative" only in that they wanted to keep the status quo, that is, slavery. This political pattern continued until the early 1990's when Republicans rescued the state from the fate of California, New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and so on.
Neither this author, nor his critics who heap so lavish praise on his work, have ever worked day to day, for years, inside the prison. These officers do so without regard for their personal safety so that each on of you may sleep peacefully each night.
Brilliant, thought-provoking, shameful and damning in its full scope,
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Texas Tough is not written for activists, not is it written from a radical perspective. The author comes across in some ways like a liberal, and his view is “balanced”, blaming (and excusing) guards and prisoners alike for the parts he sees them playing in america’s prison nation.
That said, this is one of the better books i have read about prisons in the united states. For the task Perkinson has set himself — explaining the historical dynamics that gave birth to the age of mass incarceration — his approach is fine, in fact his “balance” allows him to move beyond an indictment of the brutal individuals who run the prisons, to revealing some of the historical dynamics at play.
A generation ago, when talking about prisons with leftists, a standard reference would be Michel Foucault’s book Discipline and Punish, which proposed that prisons had come about as part of a move to less violent and cruel, but also more all-encompassing and systematic, forms of punishment and social control. So in the age before prisons and modern law enforcement, most people might have broken laws and never been caught, but in order to “teach a lesson” the ruling class would have specific lawbreakers and rebels publicly tortured and killed in exceptionally brutal ways. Prisons reduce this brutality, but are part of a move in which more and more people will be subjected to more insidious forms of social control. With the advent of rehabilitation, Foucault saw the dynamic entering a new stage, whereby the prison was melting into other areas of society, as people were increasingly disciplined, tamed and shaped into obedient cogs in the capitalist machine, inside and outside its walls.
it becomes more glaringly obvious with every new headline about prison conditions and numbers, that Foucault was wrong. The trend which he thought he had spotted, of prisons becoming more “humane” (at the same time as they and society as a whole became more totalitarian), does not fit with the Abu Gharibs and Pelican Bays of the contemporary world. More than one person has pointed out that the French philosopher had overlooked the dynamics of racist imprisonment, that his view of the prison was distorted by his looking at a prison system in which most prisoners may have been proletarian, but were also from the oppressor nations. (That Foucault overlooked this while writing in post-Holocaust Europe, makes me raise my eyebrows.)
As Michelle Alexander has explained in her book The New Jim Crow, the u.s. prison system totally departed from the allegedly getting-nicer-all-the-time trajectory in response to gains made by the Black Liberation Movement in the 1950s and 60s. As Jim Crow — the american system of racialized social control — was “abolished”, a new prison nation was being born. Not coincidence, but cause and effect. Although she does not use the term, Alexander shows how mass incarceration came about as a tool of counter-insurgency, not aimed primarily at combatants, but at the communities that combatants and rebels were most likely to emerge from. Targeting the Black/New Afrikan nation in this way, the move to mass incarceration always had a genocidal dimension to it.
Where Perkinson’s Texas Tough is useful, is in filling in part of the backstory, and in showing how the racialized imprisonment model that now reigns across the united states was not developed out of thin air to deal with Black insurgency, but rather had been developing for a hundred years already in the american South, and most especially in the state of Texas. This is one of the major arguments in Texas Tough, that while a Foucault’s story, the narrative of prisons having developed out of “good intentions” and misguided Quakers, may have been applicable to the northern united states, “What this geographic parochialism ignores is that another punishment tradition was taking shape simultaneously in the American South. This alternative regime, which made only passing claims to humanitarian or scientific progress, was larger and more cost efficient. Based on forced labor, repression, and racism, it was in the process of becoming more politically and socially entrenched.” (loc. 2269)
Texas Tough is instructive on two levels, first as an examination of the history of the Southern prison model, how it developed out of the slave plantation, and how it ended up being adopted by the united states as a whole as part of the transition to mass racist incarceration. Like i said above, “filling in a gap”, as Michelle Alexander had already mapped out the mechanisms by which mass incarceration became the default form of racist social control in america. This is predictably brutal to read, as Texas prisons have been sites of torture and violence from their inception. Particularly harsh were the decades of “convict leasing”, in which prisoners were rented out to corporations, who used them and used them up in their industries. Looking specifically at U.S. Steel (which was a major lessee of Texas prisoners), Perkinson notes that,
"Recorded mortality rates in excess of 20 percent, in some instances, put U.S. Steel on par with German and Japanese companies that profited from slave labor in World War II. But while these corporations have been held to account, U.S. Steel has escaped unscathed. Although the Wall Street Journal recently probed the company’s shameful history, no reparations movement has emerged among former convicts or their descendants." (loc. 2128)
Perkinson also examines the internal dynamics in the history of imprisonment in Texas, showing the tension that has always existed between the prison’s function as an institution of racist brutality and various reform- and rehabilitation-oriented trends that existed on and off prior to the age of mass incarceration. There is a lot of good stuff here about liberals and progressives presiding over the expansion of the prison system, of attempts at reform only making the system larger and setting the stage for further brutality.
Looking at Texas prisons today, Perkinson shows how they represent a synthesis between the brutalities of the past and the present, with the murderous slavery of the convict lease system and massive violence replaced now by a different form of violence and massive use of longterm solitary confinement. Perkinson shows how this current state of affairs is itself a perverse outcome of one of the most successful prisoner lawsuits, Ruiz vs. Estelle, waged by David Ruiz, a man who spent most of his life as a prisoner in the Texas system. As such, Texas, like the broader u.s. prison system is actually a synthesis between two traditions. (Neither of which Perkinson feels are good – while he does not seem to be writing from a rev point of view, he does seem to be an abolitionist.)
This book is worth reading, as an exploration of how forms of oppression from centuries past have lived on, in modern form, within contemporary institutions. Not by some magical process of reincarnation, but as a consequence of dynamics of struggles left unfinished.






