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The Society of Equals Hardcover – November 4, 2013
Since the 1980s, society’s wealthiest members have claimed an ever-expanding share of income and property. It has been a true counterrevolution, says Pierre Rosanvallon―the end of the age of growing equality launched by the American and French revolutions. And just as significant as the social and economic factors driving this contemporary inequality has been a loss of faith in the ideal of equality itself. An ambitious transatlantic history of the struggles that, for two centuries, put political and economic equality at their heart, The Society of Equals calls for a new philosophy of social relations to reenergize egalitarian politics.
For eighteenth-century revolutionaries, equality meant understanding human beings as fundamentally alike and then creating universal political and economic rights. Rosanvallon sees the roots of today’s crisis in the period 1830–1900, when industrialized capitalism threatened to quash these aspirations. By the early twentieth century, progressive forces had begun to rectify some imbalances of the Gilded Age, and the modern welfare state gradually emerged from Depression-era reforms. But new economic shocks in the 1970s began a slide toward inequality that has only gained momentum in the decades since.
There is no returning to the days of the redistributive welfare state, Rosanvallon says. Rather than resort to outdated notions of social solidarity, we must instead revitalize the idea of equality according to principles of singularity, reciprocity, and communality that more accurately reflect today’s realities.
- Print length384 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHarvard University Press
- Publication dateNovember 4, 2013
- Dimensions5.75 x 1.05 x 8.25 inches
- ISBN-100674724593
- ISBN-13978-0674724594
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From Bookforum
Review
“The idea of equality often evokes heated passions… Pierre Rosanvallon, one of France’s leading public intellectuals, has stepped into this minefield to provide a thoughtful work.”―Daniel Bel-Ami, Financial Times
“French political theorist Pierre Rosanvallon takes fresh stock of the ideal of equality in The Society of Equals, an ambitious bid to revive egalitarian thought in a global economy that no longer recognizes any moral or political legitimacy in schemes to redistribute wealth―let alone in more modest efforts to expand access to basic social goods such as health care, housing, or education… Rosanvallon deftly traces the slow collapse of the egalitarian tradition, mainly in the counterposed trajectories of French and American political thought.”―Chris Lehmann, Bookforum
“During the American and French revolutions, striving for liberty and achieving equality were not seen as contradictory. Modern notions of individualism and individual choice have undermined that bond: we pay merely lip service to equality while our body politic has never been less inclined to correct unequal distribution of income and wealth. Rosanvallon warns us what is at stake here: modern democracy will not survive if it avoids the question of equality.”―Andreas Hess, Times Higher Education
“The best available treatment of equality as a condition of the common life.”―Michael Ignatieff
“In a rich and illuminating work of political theory and historical interpretation, Pierre Rosanvallon traces the rise and fall of the ideal of equality, from the American and French Revolutions to the present. And he argues for reviving equality as a moral and political project. The ‘society of equals’ he favors is less about redistribution than about recovering commonality as the basis of social relations. At a time when the welfare state has lost its capacity to inspire, Rosanvallon, one of Europe’s most distinguished political theorists, offers a way of recasting the case for a more equal society.”―Michael J. Sandel, author of What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets
Review
-- Paul Starr New York Review of Books
The idea of equality often evokes heated passions… Pierre Rosanvallon, one of France’s leading public intellectuals, has stepped into this minefield to provide a thoughtful work.
-- Daniel Bel-Ami Financial Times
French political theorist Pierre Rosanvallon takes fresh stock of the ideal of equality in The Society of Equals, an ambitious bid to revive egalitarian thought in a global economy that no longer recognizes any moral or political legitimacy in schemes to redistribute wealth―let alone in more modest efforts to expand access to basic social goods such as health care, housing, or education… Rosanvallon deftly traces the slow collapse of the egalitarian tradition, mainly in the counterposed trajectories of French and American political thought.
-- Chris Lehmann Bookforum
During the American and French revolutions, striving for liberty and achieving equality were not seen as contradictory. Modern notions of individualism and individual choice have undermined that bond: we pay merely lip service to equality while our body politic has never been less inclined to correct unequal distribution of income and wealth. Rosanvallon warns us what is at stake here: modern democracy will not survive if it avoids the question of equality.
-- Andreas Hess Times Higher Education
The best available treatment of equality as a condition of the common life.
-- Michael Ignatieff
In a rich and illuminating work of political theory and historical interpretation, Pierre Rosanvallon traces the rise and fall of the ideal of equality, from the American and French Revolutions to the present. And he argues for reviving equality as a moral and political project. The ‘society of equals’ he favors is less about redistribution than about recovering commonality as the basis of social relations. At a time when the welfare state has lost its capacity to inspire, Rosanvallon, one of Europe’s most distinguished political theorists, offers a way of recasting the case for a more equal society.
-- Michael J. Sandel, author of What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets
About the Author
Pierre Rosanvallon is Professor of Modern and Contemporary History of Politics at the Collège de
France.
Product details
- Publisher : Harvard University Press; 1st edition (November 4, 2013)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 384 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0674724593
- ISBN-13 : 978-0674724594
- Item Weight : 1.32 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.75 x 1.05 x 8.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #933,257 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #417 in Non-US Legal Systems (Books)
- #471 in Comparative Politics
- #987 in Sociology of Class
- Customer Reviews:
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Here is a summary with emphasis on those parts that I found of interest.
Chapter 1 (The Invention of Equality, 63 pages) discusses the efforts to abolish inequalities that were based on the medieval class system where the top class considered themselves different in nature from the rest of the people. Privilege based on birth was to be replaced by a meritocracy. This was a driving force behind the American and French Revolutions of the eighteenth century. The book quotes approvingly writers who stated that "The progress of civilization depends on the number of merchants and artisans with a direct interest in expanding their industry. Conversely, a society in which (most) people live in a state of dependency, tied to the soil and subject to their masters, tends to reproduce itself without change" (p. 28). The main thrust was to achieve legal equality.
Chapter 2 (The Pathologies of Equality, 90 pages) discusses the effects of the industrial revolution and capitalism and the reaction to them. Meritocracy did not result in equality and various solutions were proposed. Communism was one of them and the book provides an interesting discussion of its origins and its inherently totalitarian nature. The book quotes Carbet (p.122) who wrote that there was no need for a pluralistic press because anxiety and opposition would have disappeared in a communist society. There should be only one newspaper per town and it "would be nothing more than the minutes of meetings and would contain only narratives and facts without any commentary by journalists." Another pathology was the introduction of National Protectionism and Xenophobia. The "Us versus Them" attitude reached its high in racism and segregation. The book attributes the absence of socialism in the United States to racism and to discrimination against new immigrants.
Chapter 3 (The Century of Redistribution, 44 pages) deals with the introduction of the progressive income tax in early twentieth century that resulted in what the book calls the Redistribution Revolution. In part, it was a reaction to fear of revolution by the poor. The idea had gained traction in the late nineteenth century: "Revolution can always be avoided by opportune reform" (p. 175). Redistribution policies became stronger after the end of World War II in 1945.
Chapter 4 (The Great Reversal, 46 pages) the reversal of redistribution policies in the late 1980's by introducing "Redistributive Justice" and the focus on distinguishing between luck and merit as factors for inequality and proposing equality of opportunity rather than equality. The book points out (p. 241) that it is hard to justify some inequalities as a result of merit. The ratio of pay between the higher and the lower paid workers is 6:1 for the 99% of the workers. But the average CEO's of major corporations in the U.S. was 150 times the average worker's salary in 1990 while it was 35 times that amount in 1974. The book attributes the recent high ratio to collusion between CEOs and boards of directors.
Chapter 5 (The Society of Equals: A Preliminary Outline, 47 pages) describes the author's proposals for a new policy of equality that is a refinement of Redistribution.
In my view fear of revolution has played a much bigger role than the author assigns to it. In 1945 there was fear of a communist takeover in several countries in Europe. Both Italy and France had strong communist parties and Greece was fighting a civil war against a communist insurrection. By the late 1980's communism has been completely discredited and in 1990 the Soviet Union ceased to exist, so the fear of revolution abated and the "great reversal" followed. What we have now is the rise of populist parties and religious fundamentalism that promise to create a just society. While such movements are at odds with each other and we are not in an immediate danger of a world revolution things are likely to change in the future. Therefore there is a pragmatic reason to introduce policies that attempt to smooth out excessive income differences.
Finally, a minor point. There are numerous references to events (for example, "July monarchy") that may be familiar to a French reader but they are not familiar to most American readers. Explanatory footnotes would have helped.




