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Since it appeared in 1971, John Rawls's A Theory of Justice has become a classic. The author has now revised the original edition to clear up a number of difficulties he and others have found in the original book.

Rawls aims to express an essential part of the common core of the democratic tradition--justice as fairness--and to provide an alternative to utilitarianism, which had dominated the Anglo-Saxon tradition of political thought since the nineteenth century. Rawls substitutes the ideal of the social contract as a more satisfactory account of the basic rights and liberties of citizens as free and equal persons. "Each person," writes Rawls, "possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override." Advancing the ideas of Rousseau, Kant, Emerson, and Lincoln, Rawls's theory is as powerful today as it was when first published.

ISBN-10

0674000781
ISBN-13

978-0674000780
Edition

2nd
Publisher

Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press
Publication date

September 30, 1999
Language

English
Dimensions

6.25 x 1.5 x 9.5 inches
Print length

560 pages
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Editorial Reviews

Review

“I don’t know of a more lucid articulation of the intuitions many of us share about what is just.”―Scott Turow, New York Times Book Review

“In his magisterial new work…John Rawls draws on the most subtle techniques of contemporary analytic philosophy to provide the social contract tradition with what is, from a philosophical point of view at least, the most formidable defense it has yet received…[and] makes available the powerful intellectual resources and the comprehensive approach that have so far eluded antiutilitarians. He also makes clear how wrong it was to claim, as so many were claiming only a few years back, that systematic moral and political philosophy are dead… Whatever else may be true it is surely true that we must develop a sterner and more fastidious sense of justice. In making his peerless contribution to political theory, John Rawls has made a unique contribution to this urgent task. No higher achievement is open to a scholar.”―Marshall Cohen, New York Times Book Review

“Rawls’s Theory of Justice is widely and justly regarded as this century’s most important work of political philosophy. Originally published in 1971, it quickly became the subject of extensive commentary and criticism, which led Rawls to revise some of the arguments he had originally put forward in this work… This edition will certainly become the definitive one; all scholars will use it, and it will be an essential text for any academic library. It contains a new preface that helpfully outlines the major revisions, and a ‘conversion table’ that correlates the pagination of this edition with the original, which will be useful to students and scholars working with this edition and the extensive secondary literature on Rawls’s work. Highly recommended.”―J. D. Moon, Choice

“[Rawls] has elucidated a conception of justice which goes beyond anything to be found in Kant or Rousseau. It is a convincing refutation, if one is needed, of any lingering suspicions that the tradition of English-speaking political philosophy might be dead. Indeed, his book might plausibly be claimed to be the most notable contribution to that tradition to have been published since Sidgwick and Mill.”―Times Literary Supplement

“Enlightenment comes in various forms, sometimes even by means of books. And it is a pleasure to recommend…an indigenous American philosophical masterpiece of the first order… I mean…to press my recommendation of [this book] to non-philosophers, especially those holding positions of responsibility in law and government. For the topic with which it deals is central to this country’s purposes, and the misunderstanding of that topic is central to its difficulties… And the central idea is simple, elegant, plausible, and easily applied by anybody at any time as a measure of the justice of his own actions.”―Peter Caws, New Republic

“With the simple carpentry of its arguments, its egalitarian leanings, and its preoccupation with fairness, Rawls’s classic 1971 work, A Theory of Justice, is as American a book as, say, Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn.”―Will Blythe, Civilization

From the Back Cover

"Each person" writes John Rawls, "possesses an inviolability founded on justice that even the welfare of society as a whole cannot override. Therefore in a just society the rights secured by justice are not subject to political bargaining or to the calculus of social interests".

In this book Mr. Rawls attempts to account for these propositions, which he believes express our intuitive convictions of the primacy of justice. The principles of justice he sets forth are those that free and rational persons would accept in an initial position of equality. In this hypothetical situation, which corresponds to the state of nature in social contract theory, no one knows his or her place in society; his or her class position or social status; his or her fortune in the distribution of natural assets and abilities; his or her intelligence, strength, and the like; or even his or her conception of the good. Thus, deliberating behind a veil of ignorance, people determine their rights and duties. The first, theoretical, section of the book addresses objections to the theory and alternative positions, especially utilitarianism. The author then applies his theory to the philosophical basis of the constitutional liberties, the problem of distributive justice, and the definition of the ground and limits of political duty and obligation. He includes here discussion of the issues of civil disobedience and conscientious objection. Finally, he connects the theory of justice with a doctrine of the good and of moral development. This enables him to formulate a conception of society as a social union of social unions and to use the theory of justice to explain the values of community.

Since the appearance ofthe book in 1971, A Theory of Justice has been translated into 23 languages. Revisions to the original English text have been included in translations since 1975. This new English edition incorporates all those revisions, which the author considers to be significant improvements, especially to the discussions of liberty and primary goods. The Preface for the Revised Edition discusses the revisions in some detail.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Belknap Press: An Imprint of Harvard University Press; 2nd edition (September 30, 1999)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 560 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0674000781
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0674000780
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.53 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.25 x 1.5 x 9.5 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #60,145 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #56 in Modern Western Philosophy
- #107 in Political Philosophy (Books)
- #163 in History & Theory of Politics

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John Rawls was James Bryant Conant University Professor at Harvard University. He was recipient of the 1999 National Humanities Medal.

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D. Craig

Justice as Fairness

Reviewed in the United States on February 19, 2002

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This is one of the most important books on social philosophy written in the last century. As the other mis-informed reviews illustrate, Rawls requires careful reading and a conviction to work through his arguments. Basically, Rawls tries to argue for a theory of Justice based on non-utilitarian principles. How can we have a Just Society that preserves individual rights and at the same time functions above the level of anarchy? Tilting too far one way results in a Communistic state that places the group above the individual. Tilting too far the other way results in a state that is a "war of all against all".
Rawls proposes that we arrive at a conception of Justice using minimal assumptions. He uses something called the "Veil of Ignorance" to derive his principles of Justice. This "Veil of Ignorance" assumes we would act in our own self-interest, but we don't know where in society we would end up. Given these two principles, people actint in their own self-interest but not knowing what place they might occupy in society, Rawls argues that we would come up with two principles of Justice; 1) each person has the most extensive basic liberties that are compatible for everyone having these liberties, and 2) social inequalities will be arranged so that they benefit everyone and such that we all have equal access to beneficial social positions.
(Some reviews here apparently feel that Rawls was trying to describe an historical situation with the Veil of Ignorance. I would suggest that they actually read Rawls.)
What Rawls is arguing is that taking a very minimal assumption about human nature (we rationally act in our own self interest) and assuming that no one knows his or her eventual social position, we will come up with these two principles of Justice (Justice as Fairness). A society is Just if it provides the most extensive set of liberties possible to everyone in the society and if it contains ways to balance social inequalities and provide equal access. Most people (even the Ann Rand folk) would agree with the first principle (equal rights), but likely have problems with the second.
Most of the people writing reviews, I believe, have not really read what Rawls has written or understood what they have read. If you want to disagree with Rawls then you must meet him with argument and reason, and not vituperative comment. I may not agree with everything in this book, but I must first understand Rawls' powerful arguments and reasoning before I can propose alternative ideas. Love him or hate him, Rawls cannot be ignored and neither can this book.

249 people found this helpful

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Spencer Paulson

A Must Read

Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2023

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This is the most important work in anglophone political philosophy in the 20th century. Bringing together welfare economics and the Kantian tradition in ethics, Rawls set the terms of the current debate. Even if you aren’t a Rawlsian, your position is in large part defined by how it relates to his.

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James

A philosophy whose time has come

Reviewed in the United States on April 26, 2023

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Like new condition and arrived on time

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Pietro G. Poggi

Still the Best of It's Kind!

Reviewed in the United States on June 20, 2014

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John Rawls was the first to gain fame contending that genetic luck is not the same as merit. This work builds on many thinkers, most notably Vico, but it raises the issue that every Capitalist and Ayn Rand aficionado should have drummed into what grey matter remains: even if we have equal opportunity (which we don't) humans do not have equal capabilities or inclinations. It leads to the inescapable conclusion that the skills with the highest value in Capitalist societies were given that value by the very people with those skills—not by any magical "market." When Elizabeth Warren says the game is rigged, this is certainly a great example. Rawls builds a convincing case that the welfare of societies as a whole cannot improve if the fruits of genetic luck go to the lucky and are not re-distributed back into society to benefit the General Welfare. Selfish financial hoarders find Rawls' argument threatening, and anyone who buys into the American myth of the "self-made man" will vehemently oppose Rawls' expose of the real source of their success. All the more reason to make this required reading for everyone in America.

13 people found this helpful

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Rishi Kumar

I'm not going to summarize his arguments here--others have already done that much better than I ever could--but Rawls' vision of a truly ...

Reviewed in the United States on June 23, 2018

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All right, I'll confess--I haven't actually read this whole book. I don't know if anyone, even Rawls, ever has. A Theory of Justice is famously difficult and dense, but nevertheless absolutely essential reading for anyone interested in political philosophy. I'm not going to summarize his arguments here--others have already done that much better than I ever could--but Rawls' vision of a truly just society is so brilliant and innovative you can't help but admire it, even if you think it's a bad idea. This book has influenced generations of political thinkers and policymakers, and serves as a justification for so many of the redistributive economic policies in place today. If you're interested in political philosophy or just want to know why Western states dole out welfare like they do, read this book. Or at least parts of it.

26 people found this helpful

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Curt

good corrective tonic

Reviewed in the United States on May 22, 2016

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Yeah, well, sure if we were to completely redesign everything and forget everything we know about human nature and hide behind a veil of ignorance and make rational laws and be willing to redistribute the wealth for which we competed because our fellow humans, however lazy or inept they be, "deserve" a "fair" distribution of comfortable resources no matter the mess they make of their individual lives, GREAT!

But to be more fair: as an idealist vision, Rawls challenges us to reconsider the vast "wealth gap" currently yawning, and maybe we'll see that the ultra-rich really DON'T deserve it and the rest of us ought tax them. It's not as if they're creating high-paying or even upper-middle-class or even comfortable middle-class jobs for the rest of us, contrary to the fairy-tale myth of the "job creators" theory. They just bank most of it and absolve themselves of responsibility for the society that made it possible. Therefore, Rawls is a good corrective tonic.

5 people found this helpful

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Amazon Customer

Justice and compassion

Reviewed in the United States on April 2, 2022

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Every action, every inaction has consequences. Reading John Rawls will lead the reader to examine her/his impact on the world and more thoughtful behavior. The reader will also be led to examine the genuine value of things like money and conspicuous consumption.

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Chris Banks

Monumental work of scholarship

Reviewed in the United Kingdom on May 2, 2023

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I am returning to this work after earlier studies whilst a student. Time has not diminished the power of the arguments and the brilliance of the writing. Rereading prompted by reading Free and Equal - Daniel Chandler ....a hugely influential book just issued and sure to be a classic amongst serious political thinkers. My goodness how we need some political honesty and competence - I am sickened by the political circus in government.

3 people found this helpful

Luis Fernandez

Ambitious, but ultimately failed, attempt at laying the foundatios of moral an political philosophy

Reviewed in Spain on March 20, 2022

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In this book, John Rawls articulates an understanding of social justice. For Rawls, social justice refers to the basic principles that organize a society; these principles are just if they would be hypothetically chosen by the members of that society when they started from an initial position of equality and ignorance of their particular situation, interests and abilities (the original position). Moreover, he argues that this choice has a definite unique answer; the principles chosen would be (p. 266):
- P1: Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all.
- P2: Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both:
(a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged; (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity.
By “fair equality of opportunity” it is meant that “those who are at the same level of talent and ability, and have the same willingness to use them, should have the same prospects of success regardless of their initial place in the social system.” (p. 63).
In order to interpret those principles, two priority rules need to be applied:
- P1 has priority over P2 and therefore the basic liberties can be restricted only for the sake of liberty: (a) a less extensive liberty must strengthen the total system of liberties shared by all; (b) a less than equal liberty must be acceptable to those with the lesser liberty.
- P2b is prior to P2a. An inequality of opportunity must enhance the opportunities of those with the lesser opportunity (p. 266).
Rawls then goes on to explore what type of society could implement these principles, finding that a constitutional democracy would be a possibility. In addition, he analyzes whether such society would be stable, in the sense of whether individuals in such society would acquire and benefit from having the proposed sense of justice. To this question he also answers in the affirmative, providing a number of developmental and psychological arguments.
The book is extremely ambitious, aiming at laying the ground of most moral and political philosophy. Unfortunately I believe that the text fails in this goal, since the arguments presented have many weaknesses and the conclusions found are unconvincing. Nevertheless, the book is an interesting read, since it is carefully written and thought-provoking (and indeed has been extremely influential).
The idea of the original position (OP) as a fundamental device to establish justice, while interesting, is nevertheless problematic. In the OP we are asked to think how we would reason if we did not know, not only our position in society, but also our interests and abilities, as well as the particular circumstances of our society (such as the level of civilization and culture). We are, however, assumed to know the general facts about human societies (principles of economics, politics and social organization, as well as human psychology, pp.118-119). It is clear that some of these stipulations are needed to ensure that our choices are not guided by narrow self-serving interests (which presumably have little to do with justice). However, by leaving aside any knowledge about ourselves it becomes unclear who is really choosing, and how we could make or accept that choice. It seems it would be some impersonal being rather than actual people. This becomes particularly problematic if we take Rawls’ Kantian interpretation of the OP whereby he claims that in the OP we express our nature as free an equal rational beings. The idea that in order to express our true selves we need to ignore everything about ourselves seems unsatisfactory. In addition, ignoring the particulars of our society can lead us to make unwise choices (the road to hell is paved with good intentions) or even make the choice itself meaningless.
The objections to the reasoning leading from the OP to the two principles are even more profound. The fundamental problem is that Rawls’ analysis in many ways ignores the moral significance of liberty. This contention might seem surprising, given that P1 (which has priority over P2) establishes a claim to “the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties”. The problem is that Rawls has a somewhat narrow notion of “basic liberties”. Basic liberties are to be given by a list, but are not exhaustively enumerated; it is noted, however, that the right to own certain kinds of property (eg. means of production) and laissez-faire freedom of contract are not included in the list; other arguably less fundamental liberties, such as political ones, are, however, included in the list. These choices seem somewhat arbitrary and are not justified. But it seems clear that Rawls’ notion of basic liberties is a relatively limited one. Note that it is this narrow notion of liberty that allows Rawls to propose P2, since P2 would be overridden by a more expansive notion of liberty. One could even say that Rawls presentation is misleading, since he often appeals to the priority of liberty (with the powerful emotional response which this term elicits), but only briefly notes that his notion is a rather constrained one. Without going as far as accusing Rawls of being misleading, we can certainly wish that he had discussed in more detail his notion of liberty, given the centrality of this concept in his theory, and consider this hole a serious deficiency of the book. Moreover, when initially arguing for P2, it is indicated that socioeconomic differences arising due to unequal endowments (be them family wealth and position or innate or acquired abilities) have no moral relevance, and it is therefore legitimate to eliminate them. It is overlooked, however, that those socioeconomic differences can be the result of the application of individual liberty. To the extent that liberty has moral value, those differences would seem to inherit that moral significance. In addition, the argumentation leading for the 2 principles mainly tries to show that they would be preferable to utility maximization. It seems surprising that Rawls does not consider, for example, the possibility that the parties might choose a more minimal set of principles, for example P1 alone (which could resemble Classical Liberalism, provided that an extensive enough notion of liberty is considered). Moreover, the arguments seem rather ad-hoc. For example, it is first argued that in the original position the agents don’t have particular interests (or are unaware of them), but they do value their liberties, therefore they would choose P1; this argument, however, seems to fall into the begging the question fallacy.
In conclusion, the book presents a stimulating articulation of fundamental political philosophy ideas. Even if it falls short of its (very ambitious) goals, it is still a work worth contending with.

One person found this helpful

Eduardo José Siqueira

Ótimo

Reviewed in Brazil on September 1, 2020

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É Rawls, muitas das ideias atuais sobre Estado e direito nasceram dessa obra e é essencial ler ela para quem estuda esses temas.
A qualidade da capa e das paginas é inferior a um livro nacional, os livros americanos sao assim mesmo entao é normal.

3 people found this helpful

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Raphaël

Une théorie essentielle

Reviewed in France on February 17, 2021

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Il s'agit selon moi d'un livre essentiel si on s'intéresse à la philosophie politique, car il propose une théorie complète de ce qu'est une société juste. C'est par ailleurs la référence si on s'intéresse à la philosophie social-libérale ou libérale de gauche.

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gt thomson

Still The Best Darn Social Compact Theory of Justice.

Reviewed in Canada on November 13, 2019

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If you truly understand economics, then Rawls' distributive justice's economic condition is far less restrictive than most critics assume. A great counter-point to Anarchy, State and Utopia's rules based, free-for-all.

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