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Tired of Winning: Donald Trump and the End of the Grand Old Party Hardcover – November 14, 2023
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"The most important thing that has been written to date about what is in front of the American people in the next presidential election." —Nicolle Wallace
An extraordinary view into the politics of our times, Tired of Winning explores how Donald Trump remade the Republican Party in his own image—and the wreckage he’s left in his wake.
Packed with new reporting, Tired of Winning: Donald Trump and the End of the Grand Old Party tracks Trump’s improbable journey from disgraced and defeated former president to the dominant force, yet again, in the Republican Party.
From his exile in Mar-a-Lago, Donald Trump has become more extreme, vengeful, and divorced from reality than he was on January 6, 2021. His meddling damaged the GOP’s electoral prospects for third consecutive election in 2022. His legal troubles are mounting. Yet he re-emerged as the frontrunner for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination.
Jonathan Karl has known Donald Trump since his days as a New York Post reporter in the 1990s, and he covered every day of Trump’s administration as ABC News’s chief White House correspondent. No one is in a better position to detail the former president’s quest for retribution and provide a glimpse at what the GOP would be signing up for if it once again chooses him as its standard bearer.
In 1964, Ronald Reagan told Americans it was “a time for choosing.” Sixty years later, Republicans have their own choice to make: Are they tired of winning?
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherDutton
- Publication dateNovember 14, 2023
- Dimensions6.31 x 1.22 x 9.32 inches
- ISBN-100593473981
- ISBN-13978-0593473986
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Featured in Vanity Fair’s Books to Read in November
One of the Associated Press' Most Anticipated Books of the Fall
"Tired of Winning… is the most important thing that has been written to date about what is in front of the American people in the next presidential election."—Nicolle Wallace
"Tired of Winning should be required reading before voting in 2024."—Bill Press, The Hill
"Tired of Winning is worth reading. It is well-paced, meticulously sourced and amply footnoted. Karl’s third installment on the Trump presidency and aftermath shines a needed light on how the Republican party has been recast and reshaped."—The Guardian
"Excellent reporting and assured writing—an ominous warning."—Kirkus (STARRED REVIEW)
"A read-in-one-sitting narrative every bit as riveting as the most adrenalin-fueled political thriller. But, sadly, it’s not fiction; it's very real and, Karl warns, things are set to get a lot realer."—Booklist
"Tired of Winning is the definitive account, by one of our most insightful reporters, of Donald Trump’s strange obsessions and behaviors as he struggles to avoid what he considers to be the worst possible fate: being a loser."—Walter Isaacson, New York Times bestselling author of Elon Musk, Steve Jobs, and Leonardo da Vinci
"Karl has a reporter’s eye and ear for the truth—all carefully rendered here."—Bob Woodward
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
"Come Retribution"
Twenty-five years before my first book about Donald Trump was published, I wrote a paperback entitled The Right to Bear Arms: The Rise of America's New Militias. My first book, written in the wake of Timothy McVeigh's 1995 bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building, tracks the emerging anti-government movement that inspired McVeigh to make war on federal law enforcement agencies that he, and many other far-right activists, believed posed a threat both to America and to themselves.
On the cover of the book is a photograph of a building engulfed in flames-the Branch Davidians' Waco, Texas, compound called Mount Carmel. Federal law enforcement learned the group was stockpiling weapons and explosives and, after a disastrous fifty-one-day siege in early 1993, attempted to storm the compound. With agents closing in, several Branch Davidians set fire to the building, apparently preferring to die rather than be captured by authorities. The body of the cult's leader, David Koresh, was found with a gunshot to the head. Investigators concluded he was killed by one of his deputies.
The episode was widely considered a colossal failure by the FBI and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms (ATF), which coordinated the assault. To some, though, the debacle represented something far more sinister than a federal raid gone horribly wrong-they saw it as a deliberate plot by the FBI and the ATF to trap and murder the Branch Davidians.
The Right to Bear Arms tracks how the Waco siege became a rallying cry for a national movement of mostly right-wing activists who believed Washington, DC, was dangerously corrupt and out to get them. Forming what they called "citizens' militias," they stockpiled arms and ammunition as well as food and survival gear. Some of them played weekend war games, practicing makeshift military maneuvers in vacant parking lots, on farmland, or in remote woodlands. I interviewed members of these groups. I read their writings, listened to their talk shows on shortwave radio, and attended some of their meetings.
"The ranks of the militias are made up of factory workers, veterans, computer programmers, farmers, housewives, small-business owners," I wrote in the book's introduction. "The most shocking thing about these 'paramilitary extremists' is how normal they are. They are your neighbors. But in another sense, many members of America's new militias live in a parallel universe, where civil war is already being waged by tyrants within the federal government."
On the furthest fringes of this movement were individuals who wanted to take revenge on the federal agencies responsible for not only the siege in Waco but a host of other transgressions-both real and imagined. McVeigh, for example, cited the government's "increasingly militaristic and violent" actions as his rationale in a letter to Fox News correspondent Rita Cosby weeks before he was executed under the federal death penalty. In the letter, he argued that his bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City-at the time the deadliest domestic terrorist attack in American history-was "morally and strategically equivalent" to the US military striking government buildings in countries around the world.1
But McVeigh was an exception that proved the rule. For the most part, the members of these citizens' militias I encountered condemned the Oklahoma City bombing. They weren't terrorists; they were ordinary Americans who had grown increasingly paranoid. "Their mantra is self-defense," I wrote in 1995. "They have formed not to wage a campaign of terror but to defend themselves from a terror campaign they believe is already being waged by their own federal government."2
In the run-up to my book's publication, I planned a small party for friends and family at the Heartland Brewery in Manhattan and decided to spruce up the party invitation with some over-the-top words of praise from my friends and colleagues. A couple of my fellow reporters at the New York Post offered up some choice words, and on a whim, I decided to call a famous New Yorker who was both a reliable source and known for making hyperbolic statements to see if he would give me a quote as well. He readily agreed to provide a glowing endorsement of the book-provided I wrote it up myself. So I did:
"What a book! Karl is one of the best in the business-tough, fair and brutally honest."
-Donald J. Trump
Trump signed off on the quote. To this day, I don't know whether he actually read the advance copy of The Right to Bear Arms I sent him-but more than a quarter of a century later, he announced that the first rally of his 2024 presidential campaign would be held in a familiar location: Waco, Texas.
Largely irrelevant in both the Republican primary and the general election, Texas was an odd choice for the campaign kickoff. A Trump spokesman would later deny the venue selection was at all related to the massacre that took place there almost exactly thirty years earlier-he claimed Waco was chosen solely because it was "centrally located" and "close" to big cities like Dallas and Houston3-but plenty of rally attendees drew the connection between the setting and Trump's central campaign message.
"[Trump's] making a statement, I believe, by coming to these stomping grounds where the government, the FBI, laid siege on this community just like they laid siege on Mar-a-Lago and went in and took his stuff," Charles Pace, a Branch Davidian pastor who knew Koresh but left the Mount Carmel compound several years before the deadly fire, told The Texas Tribune's Robert Downen. "He's not coming right out and saying, 'Well, I'm doing it because I want you to know what happened there was wrong.' But he implies it."4
Shortly after the rally was announced, I asked Steve Bannon, who had served as the CEO of Trump's 2016 campaign and had once again emerged as one of Trump's most important advisors, why the former president would go to Waco for his big campaign reboot. He wasn't particularly coy.
"We're the Trump Davidians," he told me with a laugh.
Even less subtle than the rally's venue was how Trump kicked it off, standing silently onstage with his hand on his heart while he waited for the playing of "The Star-Spangled Banner." But this wasn't a traditional version of the national anthem. Trump's campaign had queued up "Justice for All," a rendition of the song recorded over a jailhouse phone by a group of about twenty inmates serving time in a Washington, DC, jail for taking part in the assault on the US Capitol. In the song, the so-called J6 Prison Choir makes its way through Francis Scott Key's lyrics while Trump's voice interjects with stray lines from the Pledge of Allegiance, which he recorded at Mar-a-Lago.
As the recording blared over the loudspeakers, video footage from the January 6 riot played on the massive screens flanking the stage. It was a bizarre display, but also pitch-perfect in setting the tone for what was to come over the next ninety minutes: a defiant Trump at his most inflammatory, telling his followers to prepare for one final standoff with the shadowy enemies out to get him-and them. "For seven years, you and I have been taking on the corrupt, rotten, and sinister forces trying to destroy America," he said. "They've been trying to destroy it. They're not going to do it, but they do get closer and closer with rigged elections."
"2024," Trump declared, "is the final battle."
This wasn't a campaign speech in any traditional sense. Trump echoed the themes of paranoia and foreboding embraced by David Koresh and the anti-government movement that grew out of the Waco massacre. "As far as the eye can see, the abuses of power that we're currently witnessing at all levels of government will go down as among the most shameful, corrupt, and depraved chapters in all of American history," he said.
The substance of Trump's grievances paled in comparison to the resentments harbored by the people I wrote about in The Right to Bear Arms. Twenty-five years ago, members of those citizens' militias had some legitimate reasons to distrust the federal government. Their behavior was extreme, but they were responding to tangible government actions that had resulted in death and destruction. More than eighty Branch Davidians died in the Waco siege. Three other people had been killed in the Ruby Ridge standoff one year earlier, when federal law enforcement officials tried to arrest a survivalist and self-described white separatist named Randy Weaver-who lived in a plywood cabin with no electricity or running water in northern Idaho-on weapons violations. Weaver was eventually acquitted of the original firearms charges, but his life was never the same: His wife, son, and dog were killed during the standoff-his wife shot by an FBI sniper while she was holding their ten-month-old daughter. The episode left an indelible stain on the FBI's reputation, with several agents censured and suspended after a lengthy investigation. "Don't call Randy Weaver paranoid," I wrote in the book. "His worst fears about the government have already come true."
As Bannon made clear in my conversation with him, Trump's presence in Waco that day was designed to evoke similar feelings of injustice and persecution among the former president's followers. "They're not coming after me," he told the crowd. "They're coming after you-and I'm just standing in their way, and I'm going to be standing in their way for a long time."
Trump had used variations of the line before. "It was not just my home that was raided last month," he said at a September 2022 rally in Pennsylvania, referencing the search warrant the FBI had executed at Mar-a-Lago. "It was the hopes and dreams of every citizen who I've been fighting for since the moment I came down the golden escalator in 2015."
The message certainly seemed to resonate with his supporters, but its brazenness was staggering. Whatever you think about the investigations Trump was facing at the time, he certainly invited the scrutiny. Special Counsel Jack Smith was probing Trump's role in the January 6 attack and his failure to turn over classified material the FBI found at Mar-a-Lago. Fulton County district attorney Fani Willis was investigating his efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election results in Georgia. And Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg was nearing an indictment on charges related to hush-money payments Trump made weeks before the 2016 election to a porn star, Stormy Daniels, with whom he'd allegedly had an affair.
The folks cheering Trump at his rallies had not taken boxes stuffed with classified documents out of the White House-and it's safe to assume none of them spent tens of thousands of dollars to cover up an affair with an adult-film star. Several hundred Trump supporters were being prosecuted for assaulting police officers and storming the Capitol on January 6, but Trump-the man responsible for whipping those rioters into a frenzy-couldn't do anything to stand in the way of those prosecutions. As president, he could have issued pre-emptive pardons for all of them. He didn't. Now he was just cheering on the defendants and lashing out at the prosecutors on social media. "The DOJ and FBI are destroying the lives of so many Great American Patriots, right before our very eyes," he posted on Truth Social the day after four members of the far-right Proud Boys militia were convicted of seditious conspiracy. "GET SMART AMERICA, THEY ARE COMING AFTER YOU!!!"5
But in reality, "they" weren't coming after Trump's law-abiding supporters-they were coming after Trump. Decades earlier, presidential candidate Bill Clinton told voters he felt their pain. Trump was now doing the reverse, trying to convince his supporters to feel his pain as if it were their own. "Our enemies are desperate to stop us because they know that we are the only ones who can stop them," Trump told the crowd in Waco. "Our opponents have done everything they can to crush our spirit and to break our will, but they failed. They've only made us stronger."
Trump's Waco speech was too grim for even some of his closest allies in the media. "[Trump] opened up with January 6 video, which is insane," Brian Kilmeade said on Fox & Friends days later. "He should be running from that, period. I don't care his point of view, that is not a good thing for him. I thought that was absolutely awful."6
The source of the criticism was notable. During Trump's presidency, one of the most surefire ways to get his attention was to appear on Fox & Friends in the morning. The show's hosts-Kilmeade, Steve Doocy, and Ainsley Earhardt-were prominent members of what was often referred to as Trump's "Cable News Cabinet." Advice they provided from the studio couch in midtown Manhattan frequently carried as much weight in Trump's mind as his actual advisors in the White House or at Mar-a-Lago. But not this time.
Trump was in a dark place in early 2023. Still reeling politically from the Republican Party's disappointing midterm performance the previous November, he'd launched his third presidential campaign but barely seemed to be trying. A close confidant of the former president told me he was trying to get Trump to do more to jump-start his effort to win back the White House, encouraging him, for example, to go on the attack against President Biden and the Democrats over the federal bailout of Silicon Valley Bank, which failed in March 2023. This advisor was urging Trump to tie the bank's failure to various Democratic policies, and contrast the effort to protect the bank's wealthy tech-industry depositors with the neglect of working-class people struggling after a train carrying toxic chemicals derailed in East Palestine, Ohio.
Trump, however, was too distracted. "I've been working non-fucking-stop on this Silicon Valley Bank thing with him, and I've got nothing," the advisor told me in mid-March. "He's just obsessed with this New York thing."
The “New York thing,” of course, was Alvin Bragg’s grand jury investigation into a hush-money payment Trump had made to adult-film star Stormy Daniels seven years earlier. The case was long believed to be dead-two investigators in Bragg’s office had resigned in early 2022 in protest of his decision not to move forward with their inquiry-but on January 30, 2023, the Manhattan DA’s office had impaneled a new grand jury and begun presenting evidence of Trump’s involvement in the catch-and-kill scheme intended to suppress unflattering stories prior to the 2016 presidential election.7 Over the next few weeks, it became clear the first presidential indictment in history was imminent-but nobody knew exactly when Bragg would pull the trigger.
Except, apparently, Donald Trump.
"THE FAR & AWAY LEADING REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE & FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, WILL BE ARRESTED ON TUESDAY OF NEXT WEEK," he posted, in all caps, on Truth Social at 7:25 a.m. on March 18. "PROTEST, TAKE OUR NATION BACK!"
Product details
- Publisher : Dutton (November 14, 2023)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0593473981
- ISBN-13 : 978-0593473986
- Item Weight : 1.26 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.31 x 1.22 x 9.32 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #13,896 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #20 in Political Corruption & Misconduct
- #42 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #77 in Political Leader Biographies
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Jonathan Karl is the chief White House correspondent and chief Washington correspondent for ABC News and the president of the White House Correspondents’ Association (2019-2020).
He has reported from the White House during the administrations of four presidents and thirteen press secretaries and covered every major beat in Washington, including Capitol Hill, the Pentagon, and the State Department. Karl also has a long history of reporting on Donald Trump, beginning in the early 1990s, when he was reporter with The New York Post, and including Trump’s first network interview of the 2016 presidential campaign cycle.
Karl has won numerous awards, including the Walter Cronkite Award for National Individual Achievement and the National Press Foundation’s Everett McKinley Dirksen Award, the highest honor for Congressional reporting.
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How DJT remained the leader of the party after the defeat:
There were circumstances that seem to be pivotal: when Trump returned to Mar-o-Lago Ronna McDaniel (head of the RNC) and Kevin McCarthy both visited him on separate occasions and told him (perhaps convinced him) to stay in the GOP.
Why?
Because if DJT left the party his fervent and loyal supporters would have followed him and taken their votes and therefore funding from the RNC to Trump. It would be safer for the party from this standpoint for him to remain "in" the party.
Some flawed preaching is noted I hadn't heard of before:
Giving a public speech at a university, Trump stated that you should surround yourself with unsuccessful people because it will make you look better and look like a winner....we can examine the advisors and cabinet heads DJT surrounded himself with at the beginning to the end of his administration. In addition to high turnover, there was a marked change in quality these people. In the beginning there were those with expertise, knowledge and morals.....at the end it was a team of sycophants who lacked knowledge, experience and skills. This statement is made from an objective viewpoint.
DJT often refused the daily short intelligence & security briefs concerning national security in order to watch "Fox & Friends" on TV.
Factually false claims of election fraud:
Here are some examples among many:
*"Italy-gate" was the hypothesis and propaganda - with no evidence - that Italian satellites in space had infiltrated the voting machines and switched votes. Sydney Powell was one of the promoters of this bizarre concoction.
*Another claim was directed, conveniently at China: ballots were literally checked for traces of Bamboo in Arizona during the 3rd recount because China was suspected of manufacturing ballots in China and placing them into voting machines....there was never an explanation of how this was done or could be done.....the company "Cyber Ninjas" that was contracted for the 3rd vote recount in AZ found no traces of Bamboo but did find a miniscule increase in ballots voting for Biden and less for Trump, yielding the same results as the first 2 recounts. This also cost taxpayers $20 million dollars, only to re-confirm for the third time that DJT lost Arizona. Trump's loss was a historical embarrassment as he was the first GOP Presidential candidate to lose AZ in 25 years and he lost Maricopa county big. The last Republican to lose Maricopa county was Thomas Dewey in 1948 (p. 161-2)
*Hugo Chavez, who died in 2013, was somehow linked to the Dominion voting machine company causing election fraud. It's a fact Dominion has no connection to the deceased, spirits, Venezuela, Soros or HRC.
The fact remains that DJT lost by 74 electoral votes and 7 million ballots cast. As Chris Krebs stated correctly, the 2020 was one of the securist elections in US history and for telling the facts he, like others - was fired. In addition, DJT lost to a then 78 year-old opponent who remained in his Delaware home almost entirely throughout the campaign because of the pandemic.
Yet, DJT asked Scavino to trademark the term "Rigged Election" before Donald was talked out of it.
Going back in time we have some more classical comments to share:
A couple of hours after the Twin Towers collapsed on 9/11 Trump stated that his Trump Tower was "now the tallest building in New York," but it wasn't. He also claims to have gone to Ground Zero that day to help in the aftermath but there was and is no record of it by the organizers there.
The Trump Trading cards sold to supporters featured DJT playing an electric guitar in a large stadium, wearing colonial "garb," Sailing the Delaware river like George Washington, him dressed as an Astronaut as well as a NASCAR driver, boxer, and a pilot. These were only digital trading cards and buyers had no choice which one they would get. Cost: $99. This went to Trump's personal pocket, and not a PAC or campaign fund. The election denier and J6 rioter "Baked Alaska" even noted he went to prison for a (NFT) non-fungible trader.
On December 3, 2022 Trump publicly called for the termination of the US Constitution (p. 253)
What's in store for the Election of 2024:
DJT is strategically tapping into certain sentiments by starting the reboot of his campaign in a speech at Waco, TX in which he opened his speech with a January 6th riot video and later stating "we're the Trump Davidians" with a laugh. More cult of personality, promoted to manipulate people with below average intelligence that caused the deaths of 5 people.
One theme of the 2024 attempted return to the White House is the slogan or campaign of retribution. The term "Come Retribution" initiated by Bannon is a reference to the Confederate conspiracy plan to take Lincoln hostage and assassinate him. Trump would later mold this term and use "retribution" 2 times in a speech.
Details of Q-Anon supporters have been invited to and attended Mar-o-Lago social events as well as Nick Fuentes are noted in this book.
The track record for DJT and election deniers is not a good one: Losing the house in 2018, losing the potus in 2020 and in 2022 the GOP didn't win the Senate because of low quality candidates and a lower majority in the House. 2/14 candidates endorsed by Trump won...."With trump, we lose."
There are many charges coming. We all shall see.
As this saga, or soap opera still continues, we know that DJT uses people for his own advantage and then throws them away.


















