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The Trouble with Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality Paperback – June 14, 2016
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“Michaels has written a bracing polemic that should quicken the debate over what diversity really means, or should mean, in academia and beyond.”―The New York Review of Books
If there’s one thing Americans agree on, it’s the value of diversity. Our corporations vie for slots in the Diversity Top 50, our universities brag about minority recruiting, and every month is Somebody’s History Month. But in this “eloquent” (Chicago Tribune) and “captivating” (Los Angeles Times) book, Walter Benn Michaels argues that our enthusiastic celebration of “difference” masks our neglect of America’s vast and growing economic divide.
When it was first published in 2006, The Trouble with Diversity provoked a firestorm of praise and condemnation―not only hailed as “genius” (The Economist), “cogent” (The New Yorker), and “impossible to disagree with” (The Washington Post) it was excoriated as a “wildly implausible” product of “the ‘shock and awe’ school of political argument” (Slate) and “Seething, misplaced, amnesiac resentment” (The Nation). Now, a decade later, Michaels offers a new afterword on how our regime of equal-opportunity exploitation has only intensified. Magnificently iconoclastic, he demonstrates that commitments to diversity fail to offer a premise for social justice and in fact legitimize the economic forces that drive inequality rather than offering a resistance or even a critique. Most importantly, he makes the case that we should pay less attention to the illusory distinction of culture, and more attention to the real discrepancies of class and wealth.
- Print length272 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPicador
- Publication dateJune 14, 2016
- Dimensions5.67 x 0.74 x 8.19 inches
- ISBN-101250099331
- ISBN-13978-1250099334
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Editorial Reviews
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“This is a different line, and there's a touch of genius about it.” ―The Economist.com
“Cogent... certain to be controversial.” ―The New Yorker
“Eloquent” ―The Chicago Tribune
“Rarely have I found myself more in agreement with a book's conclusion. To focus so obsessively on questions of diversity is, as Michaels rightly asserts, to opt for a politics of symbolism over a politics of results.” ―Slate
“Bracing... the greatest virtue of The Trouble With Diversity is the tenacity and precision with which Michaels dissects out muddled ideas about race and inequality.” ―The Nation
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Product details
- Publisher : Picador; Anniversary edition (June 14, 2016)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 272 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1250099331
- ISBN-13 : 978-1250099334
- Item Weight : 2.31 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.67 x 0.74 x 8.19 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #602,160 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #136 in Income Inequality
- #516 in Political Economy
- #2,027 in Discrimination & Racism
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One example: affirmative action changes the ‘complexion’ of a university’s student body, but it does not increase the number of the poor there, a number which remains pitifully small. At the same time, the putatively progressive admission standards distract us from these economic realities. We look around and see a rainbow of people; this makes us feel ‘just’; however, those people are nearly all upper-middle class. The same is true in the corporate board room; we add some black or female faces and take pride in our virtue; meanwhile we perpetuate a system in which the CEO continues to make 600x more than the average worker. The illusion of ‘opportunity’, respect, and so on masks the fact that the real distance between rich and poor continues to widen.
The book is courageous in demonstrating the nudity of the identity politics emperors and empresses, but in all fairness we knew much of this already. Cornel West and Skip Gates, e.g., have famously noted the fact that affirmative action in the universities has principally benefited the progeny of already-successful professionals, not the struggling young men and women in the inner city. Thomas Sowell has made the point as well and noted (decades ago) that black students were very successful at ivy league schools before the days of the diversity industry.
The vast majority of the book is devoted to exposing the distractions and illusions. There is very little consideration of the socialist alternative which, WBM argues, should be our real focus. He mentions unionization and the raising of the minimum wage without talking about the side effects which these practices sometimes entail. Nor does he mention the role played by federal regulations in hamstringing the small businesses which serve an important role in job creation. He does mention two propositions which he supports: the elimination/outlawing of private education and making college free. There are some problems with each of these. He knows, e.g., that the first is not going to occur for a multiplicity of straightforward reasons, not the least of which is the fact that our elites are generally the beneficiaries of private education and it is a defining characteristic of elites to promote elitism. ‘Free’ college did, of course, exist in the California system once upon a time as well as in the British system. There is no reason why we couldn’t have ‘free college’ in the way that we have ‘free K-12’, i.e., education paid by taxpayers. What WBM does not discuss in this regard is the systematic reduction in expectations that we have seen in higher education since the matriculation of the GI Bill generation. We need ‘free college’, presumably, because this will lead to greater job opportunities and because the new jobs require such an education. The fact is that many good jobs were once available to people with a grammar school education and a few years of high school; however, the expectations were much higher then and students simply knew more. Now 60% go to college; half fail to graduate; only half of the graduates find employment commensurate with their ‘educations’. Free college (which we already have, more or less, through the community college system) would exacerbate the current credential creep and require individuals to have master’s degrees (or multiple master’s degrees) for entry-level positions that were once held by high school graduates. Meanwhile, the failure of vast numbers of students to perform at grade level hamstrings the colleges which must divert scant resources to remedial education. In the PISA test administered to industrialized democracies our performance is pathetic. Our highest position (in reading) is 19th; we fall far lower in math and science skills. We all want our fellow citizens to be successful and we all want to reduce the grotesqueries of income disparity, but unless and until we raise our expectations and reduce the focus on self-esteem (valorizing self-respect and a sense of achievement instead of a delusory sense of identity-driven entitlement) we will continue to be surpassed by other nations in the global economy.
The book is essentially an exposé of the illusions created by identity politics and in that effort it succeeds very nicely. The arguments are persuasive; the evidence that is adduced is incisive and apt. This is not a book about socialism; it is a book that is designed to persuade us that we have overlooked the opportunities offered by socialism. Those opportunities, of course, could be debated. I see little interest in immigration to Venezuela, e.g. and one sees rightward movement in Scandinavia, though Scandinavia is not purely socialist and is, at any rate, a special case for various demographic reasons.
The book is heavily influenced by Stanley Fish (as WBM acknowledges). The rhetoric is designed to capitalize on the putatively counterintuitive and to offer some gentle discomfort to those on multiple positions across the political spectrum. It is well-written and interesting throughout. It is far more significant than, e.g., Mark Lilla’s recent book , The Once and Future Liberal, which argues that identity politics is keeping the democrats from winning elections and keeping their eyes off the electoral prizes. This book gives us a look at identity politics that is far more serious and searching.
Highly recommended.
One example: These days, there is a lot of effort put into "not looking down on poor people." That's classism, on analogy with racism. But as Benn Michaels points out, the main problem with poverty isn't that people look down on you: it's that you don't have enough money, and everything that follows from that. Poverty won't be solved by everyone thinking the right thoughts about poor people, but by getting poor people more money, most likely by taking some of it away from those who have more.
It is much easier for people to pretend that we are all equal, in every way that is important; rather than grappling with the many important ways in which we're not equal, and to try to minimize that inequality.
Another example: focusing on eliminating racism or sexism, I can be on the side of the angels, and it won't cost me anything. Focus on economic inequality, and I may have to really give something up. Much easier to talk against "discrimination."
Michaels points out that Americans have a tough time talking about economic class. Part of this has to do with an overemphasis on diversity. We fall into a trap. Because we want to be egalitarian, value everyone equally, we wind up ignoring the ways in which poverty really does damage people, make them "less." Again, the topic is just unpleasant. Better to ignore it.
*
Here are three quotes from the book that get to the heart of matters:
* "We love race--we love identity--because we don't love class" (p.6). Embracing identity is a way of avoiding issues of economic inequality.
If the difference between us is a money problem, then we might have to do something about it. If it is a matter of our attitudes, those are probably fine already. And if we do need to work on them, we can do so without taking out our wallets.
* "We would much rather get rid of racism than get rid of poverty. And we would much rather celebrate cultural diversity than seek to establish economic equality" (p.12).
I would add that we'd "rather get rid of racism," in part, because most of that work has already been done for us. We're lazy, intellectually and politically.
* "In an ideal universe we wouldn't be celebrating [or encouraging] diversity at all" (p. 14). True? I don't think so. I understand how Benn Michaels has gotten to this point. Still, I think that appreciating diversity should remain a core value of liberalism, but that we need to think harder about the full meaning of diversity.
As a positive goal, diversity caught on in the aftermath of the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 60s. So we tend to define diversity in terms of the groups who fought for their rights in these struggles: African-Americans; other racial and ethnic minorities; women; homosexuals. But there is more to diversity than this.
In his great essay On Liberty, John Stuart Mill--the first notable philosopher to speak of diversity as an important social good--emphasized not racial, ethnic or sexual differences, but new and different ways of thinking and living. For Mill, diversity depended not on having lots of ethnic and racial groups present in a society, but on individuals being creative enough to think their own thoughts and brave enough to live their own lives.
This, I think, is ultimately a deeper and more important kind of diversity and one that progressives, with our strong belief in the value of every individual, should promote. Diversity is a real value. We just have to understand it correctly and put it in its proper place in an ecology of values.
*
In any event, this is a well-thought through, witty discussion of an important issue. I recommend it highly.




