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The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor Paperback – March 24, 2015
In The Tyranny of Experts, renowned economist William Easterly examines our failing efforts to fight global poverty, and argues that the "expert approved" top-down approach to development has not only made little lasting progress, but has proven a convenient rationale for decades of human rights violations perpetrated by colonialists, postcolonial dictators, and US and UK foreign policymakers seeking autocratic allies. Demonstrating how our traditional antipoverty tactics have both trampled the freedom of the world's poor and suppressed a vital debate about alternative approaches to solving poverty, Easterly presents a devastating critique of the blighted record of authoritarian development. In this masterful work, Easterly reveals the fundamental errors inherent in our traditional approach and offers new principles for Western agencies and developing countries alike: principles that, because they are predicated on respect for the rights of poor people, have the power to end global poverty once and for all.
- Print length416 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherBasic Books
- Publication dateMarch 24, 2015
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.25 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-109780465089734
- ISBN-13978-0465089734
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Easterly's message is simple: Before you offer a helping hand, look hard at the core beliefs that brought you good fortune."―Washington Post
"There is something indomitable about William Easterly, and he has struck the development establishment where it is weakest: its appalling human rights record."―Los Angeles Times Book Review
"Easterly is one of the most consistently interesting and provocative thinkers on development."―Bloomberg View
"Thought provoking."―Economist
"This powerful polemic against top-down aid projects convinces."―Times of London (UK)
"A passionate, if fitful, argument against the conventional approach to economic development."―Washington Post
"Easterly has written a book that grabs a reader's attention from the first sentence.... Highly recommended."―Choice
"Fascinating."―Lancet
"The Tyranny of Experts is intellectual comfort food for people ... who are skeptical of the idea that the only things standing between us and a world free of poverty are insufficient funding and political will."―Cato Institute's Regulation
"Easterly delivers a scathing assault on the anti-poverty programs associated with both the United Nations and its political and private sector supporters.... A sharply written polemic intended to stir up debate about the aims of global anti-poverty campaigns"―Kirkus
"Easterly's research may help start a dialog about identifying better methods for alleviating global poverty and should assist readers interested in humanitarian efforts who want to draw their own conclusions about how to aid the world's poor."―Library Journal
About the Author
Product details
- ASIN : 0465089739
- Publisher : Basic Books; 1st edition (March 24, 2015)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 416 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780465089734
- ISBN-13 : 978-0465089734
- Item Weight : 13.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.25 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,182,113 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #672 in Development & Growth Economics (Books)
- #960 in Political Economy
- #1,900 in Economic Conditions (Books)
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About the author

William Easterly is Professor of Economics at New York University, joint with Africa House, and Co-Director of NYU's Development Research Institute. He is editor of Aid Watch blog, Associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research and Co-Editor of the Journal of Development Economics. He is the author of The White Man's Burden: How the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good (Penguin, 2006), The Elusive Quest for Growth: Economists' Adventures and Misadventures in the Tropics (MIT, 2001), 3 co-edited books, and 61 articles in refereed economics journals. William Easterly received his Ph.D. in Economics at MIT. He was born in West Virginia and is the 8th most famous native of Bowling Green, Ohio, where he grew up. He spent sixteen years as a Research Economist at the World Bank. He is on the board of the anti-malaria philanthropy, Nets for Life. His work has been discussed in media outlets like the Lehrer Newshour, National Public Radio, the BBC, the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, the New York Review of Books, the Washington Post, the Economist, the New Yorker, Forbes, Business Week, the Financial Times, the Times of London, the Guardian, and the Christian Science Monitor. Foreign Policy magazine inexplicably named him one of the world's Top 100 Public Intellectuals in 2008. His areas of expertise are the determinants of long-run economic growth, the political economy of development, and the effectiveness of foreign aid. He has worked in most areas of the developing world, most heavily in Africa, Latin America, and Russia. William Easterly is an associate editor of the American Economic Journals: Macroeconomics, the Journal of Comparative Economics and the Journal of Economic Growth. He is the baseball columnist for the Vatican newspaper L'Osservatore Romano.
Erratum: The above bio contains one factual mistake due to careless proofreading. He is not really the baseball columnist for L'Osservatore Romano.
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William Easterly – The Tyranny of Experts
Reviewed by Katelyn G.
William Easterly's The Tyranny of Experts is an eye-opening book and
worthwhile reading for anyone who wants to work in development or gain a deeper
understanding of effective methods to alleviate poverty. The book serves as a strong
argument in favor of spontaneous solutions to problems in development over an
authoritarian, technocratic approach that denies individual rights. Through many
historical examples from Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas, Easterly demonstrates
that although technocratic solutions may solve some development problems in the short
term, greater long-term prosperity can be achieved in societies that promote free trade,
innovation and entrepreneurship.
The sense of history within The Tyranny of Experts is one of its great strengths.
Critiquing “Blank Slate” thinking throughout the book, Easterly provides valuable
historical context to educate the reader on how current development thinking evolved,
tracing its beginnings to the post-colonial era, when Western powers needed a reason to
retain power and influence as their empires collapsed. Later, Cold War strategy would
lead countries like the United States to support autocratic leaders and technocratic
development initiatives that helped it retain influence in the face of the Communist threat.
It is clear that the Western approach to development has always served multiple political
purposes.
Easterly’s emphasis on history over the long term enables him to highlight how
different practices work over generations. For example, in discussing the insular trading
practices among the Maghribi people, Easterly is able to identify how the level of trust
between group members facilitated trade, but ultimately inhibited prosperity by limiting
with whom the group could and would trade. Again, Easterly brings home the message
that history must not be ignored, and therefore a good solution in one country may not be
the right solution for another based on the specific context of each.
Throughout The Tyranny of Experts, we see that poverty is complex, and not
caused by a lack of talent or intelligence among people who are just waiting for
development experts to save them (as the deeply racist post-colonial leaders seem to have
thought). This examination of history and motive makes for an exciting read, providing a
new lens through which to review topics most of us have researched before, like the slave
trade. Easterly argues that, “oppression has broad consequences that hold back
development” (159). He explains that even today, countries from which people were
taken to be sold as slaves experience greater levels of poverty, and are more reluctant to
trade with local neighboring communities that helped capture their people. Italy serves as
another example Easterly provides to highlight the long term consequences of oppression
as the author shows how Italian cities that experienced absolute rule in the twelfth
century and were more restricted in trade do not fare as well even today as those that
were free cities. A history of limited rights and damaged relationships negatively impacts
trade opportunities, thereby inhibiting development. Easterly’s examples demonstrate that
those consequences can last for centuries.
The book maintains credibility by acknowledging arguments his detractors could
make about the success of technocratic initiatives. Easterly questions solutions that, at
first glance, seem to have worked. One example provided is an autocratic Ethiopia’s
reduction of child mortality, which led to accolades from leaders and influences like
Tony Blair and Bill Gates. Easterly acknowledges this perceived success, but uncovers
flaws in reporting that call into question whether such results are worth. We find that
childhood mortality data is known to be imprecise, especially in nations where birth and
death rates are not reliably reported (123). Meanwhile, this Ethiopian regime was known
for oppressing political rivals and denying them food aid, a fact ignored by those who
were celebrating the regime’s success in health initiatives.
I also want to credit Easterly for consistency in his approach. When he argues in
favor of protecting individual rights to promote prosperity, he values the individual above
the state. I was struck by his inclusion of arguments in favor of freedom of movement,
which particularly caught my attention, as the immigration debate is ever ongoing.
Easterly gives the example that most Haitians who have lifted themselves out of poverty
are living outside of Haiti. In addition, he questions why a skilled professional like a
doctor from a poorer country should remain at home out of loyalty to the needs of his or
her country, particularly when that individual could live a much more prosperous life by
relocating to the United States. To see Easterly treat individual rights with enough
importance to transcend borders was especially refreshing after reading through the many
ways that racism has influenced development policy.
The ultimate purpose of all of this history, all these different case studies from
across the world, is to highlight how an emphasis on individual rights is proven to lead to
greater prosperity. Although an autocrat may be able to accomplish specific development
goals faster, it may not be sustainable or worth the price of oppression. Easterly writes
that, “oppression has broad consequences that hold back development” (159). As we have
seen in the examples I have cited, the negative consequences of autocratic rule can last
for generations.
Of course, moving away from autocracies cannot happen overnight, and in certain
cases it may make sense to support positive initiatives that will promote health, and
therefore prosperity, even if the government itself is deeply flawed. In reading The
Tyranny of Experts, I appreciated that Easterly is ever grounded in reality, and the author
posits that, “an incremental positive change in freedom will yield a positive change in
well-being for the world's poor.” Although change will not happen instantaneously,
moving toward greater autonomy will encourage innovation, trade and prosperity.
Easterly concludes that we must not be “seduced” by seemingly benevolent
autocrats, whose power means that they can accomplish development goals faster, but at
too great a cost. It is here that I believe Easterly misses an opportunity. I would have been
interested to see the book discuss the rights of women in relation to autocracies. To me,
this would have been particularly relevant, as rights for women have been known to
increase under autocrats. Under Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak, women enjoyed such
perks as proportional representation in parliament. As Mubarak’s government was
overthrown and a new government was forming, laws that increased the rights of women
were labeled, “Suzanne’s Laws” after Mubarak’s wife, linked to the old regime and seen
as initiative’s whose true purpose was to appease the West. This strange connection
between women’s rights and oppressive rule is part of the reason women so often see
their rights disappear during political transition. I would be interested to see Easterly
include a comparison of case studies specific to women in autocratic societies versus free
societies. Such a discussion could have fit nicely with Easterly's exploration of the
decline of child mortality in Ethiopia, and how it led to the Western leaders overlooking
the problematic aspects of a dictator's rule (such as denying political opponents food aid).
And as Whole Planet Foundation has a strong focus on empowered women changing
their own lives through entrepreneurship, it would have made the book even more
relevant to our work (surprisingly, Easterly did not write this book only for us).
The Tyranny of Experts is a valuable history lesson and a highly recommended
read. It will ask the reader to question “facts” and statistics presented by development
institutions, to rethink old ideas about historical events and to value the rights of the
individual, even when an autocrat manages to accomplish some good initiatives. I often
think that confirmation bias causes people to seek out books that will verify what they
already think, and that it is difficult to change anyone’s opinion. I believe this book
presents arguments compelling enough to challenge existing beliefs.
Although in a couple of points he concedes that market versus government is not really the ultimate question, as both have complementary roles, obviously, throughout the book he is standing on the field of defenders of the free play of “problem-solvers”, choosing and leading the way to the best solution of economic problems by the free concur of individuals’ interests in the market place. While he sees that benevolent technocrats may get the “conscious design” sometimes right, he also sees that more often they are dragged into committing abuses of power that are never perpetrated in the world of the free problem solvers interacting without fixed templates designed by authorities. The freedom of the market place is the right antidote for the unavoidable excesses of the autocrats “benevolent or not”, and their proxies, the technocrats. The book is rich in examples and the arguments are clear and convincing.
In criticizing technocrats and autocrats, the book does a good service indeed. Noticeable though is perhaps the lack of reference to the work of the anthropologist James Scott, who in his book "Seeing like a State: How certain schemes to Improve Human condition have failed" (1998) had already presented compelling arguments about the defective offspring of the marriages between autocrats and technocrats. Scott’s and his books flow in the same stream. The anthropology of development and development agencies has more than a decade denounced the domineering strategies of rendering technical what is essentially political in the development arena. James Ferguson (mentioned a couple of times in Easterly’s book), David Mosse, Tania Murray Li, Arturo Escobar are some who made strong contributions. Undoubtedly, Easterly's book adds an invaluable economic perspective to this field of studies.
However, the option to construct the narrative around individuals such as, Benjamin Seixas, Chung Ju Yung, Meinhard Brothers, Eka Tjipta Widjaja, and other not well known historical figures, whose roles come to life in the book at some inflection of development history, has tainted the characterization of dynamic growth factors. Perhaps there is an excess of “individuals” and “individualisms” in those narratives. If acceptable as a stylistic option, on the other hand this choice misrepresents the collective efforts and the confluence of ambitions and conditions that at some point prevailed to make some enterprises possible. The individual leader, or perhaps the one history has kept traces of, should count much less than the favorable sets of resources, skills, people that converged at that crucial junctions to make particular endeavor a reality.
We may say that this personalization carries the same “psychological mistake" as the beliefs in "benevolent autocrats" that Easterly spent a chapter demonstrating its inappropriateness. The same way that the figure of the "benevolent autocrat" excessively praises development achievements on the personality of State leaders, the distorted idea of individualism attributes development successes to single key individuals’ initiatives. But the benevolent autocrat as well as the individual dynamic entrepreneur should count much less than the set of conditions that made a particular success story possible. Easterly convincingly explain the almost irrelevance of the benevolent autocrats, but does not do the same for the successful entrepreneurs. Why not?
There should be a more realists way of telling those stories, paying the due tribute to the contributing factors, instead of making all look as random occurrence of particularly endowed individuals with above average talents and competences. Not even in history of art, where the individual artist is incontestably the maker of the admired work, it is possible to single out the geniuses, detaching individuals from the word of influences surrounding them. The history of enterprises has a collective making and more intensely social determination than the individualist approach accounts for. Nevertheless, we should admit, we humans enjoy reading stories about people; we like to link names to facts and are not so motivated to read about abstract concepts, like “social structures” and generalized formal concepts we cannot properly picture.
However, there are additional problems with individualism as the engine of economic development, where we see perhaps a bad choice of word, or bad conceptual formulation, that cannot alone fully explain or justify development. There is something else. There is need to have something else. The simplification is not convincing. A factor alone can never explain the whole thing. But, not only for this reason; individualism would not justify collaboration or self restrain in relation to abuses, when the options to behave differently promise good pay offs. Individualism alone would not prevent anyone from carrying out criminal deeds; the other way round, it would drive them for the sake of rewarding themselves with surplus of power and wealth. There are other elements that Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” or Hayek’s “spontaneous order” do not account for; the glue of social life that both restrains and liberates at the same time.
Easterly touches the issue of rights; in fact the whole book is about rights of the people and the poor among them, and the denial of that by international agencies myopic pursuance of development without acknowledging the fundamental role rights play in that. However, the conceptual connection between individualism and rights was not explored at the necessary depth. Without a properly spelt out connection between individuals and rights, there is no distinguishable difference between individualism, selfishness and egoism.
Some sense of justice, or the correlate “feeling” of fairness, has to be present in any conceptualization of rights. John Rawls’s writings are the reference for that. Fairness, and related values, puts the fulfillment of individual ambition in a different perspective. Fairness brings an additional reference to human acts; a dimension that goes beyond the mere individual desire or exclusive focus on individually motivated goals. Once the question of rights is projected on them, the justifications for acting, and the space where acting is possible, are seen at a different light. Whether honest or not, the individual grounds his or her decisions on values that exist beyond his sole individualist, or selfish for that matter, wishes and aspirations.
Societies set the grammar and semantics of values that preexist the individuals and outlive them long after they are gone. That given world, with its languages and rules, provides the environment where the individual grow and learn about values. When one sets in motion processes for fulfillment of individual goals, he/she does so in an environment that he/she does not fully control, but still expects to have a number of fundamental features preserved, the ones without which attaining the goals would become impossible or meaningless. So, individualism has to live in a space that has more than what comprises the ontology of idiosyncratic individualist desires and wishes.
The sense of fairness is fundamental. I accept principles and norms I grew up with because they give the rights I think I need, to have a good life; I want that to the others too, because that not only guarantees the fairness treatment I believe I am entitled to, but because I want those values to exist in a consistent manner; I want my society to have that sense because it will allow not only that I live well with my neighbors, but they also live well among themselves independently from me, and I do care about them as I do care about my family, relatives and their neighbors. We like to have assurance of permanence of values and also assurance that a common point of view can always be reached. A common logic is more important than the logic of my individual argument, because it can have larger consequences than my perspective alone.
This reflection put individualism under a different light. However, it is still necessary to clarify whether legal institutions are the maternity where the sense of fairness is born or, the other way around, are themselves born because society creates them to assure stability, permanence, common use and visibility that otherwise will render all principles and norms intangible and volatile. I believe through a dialectic movement, from the society and individuals to the state and its institutions, back and forward, again and again, through time, developing historically stable forms with the contribution of the technology that becomes available, the state acquires the legal configuration that can guarantee fairness and the appropriate space where individuals can freely act according to their wishes. But the society and the individuals are aware of the need to maintain that framework alive and effective, and still limited in its reaches, in correspondence and respect to the very principle of fairness. The state should stop its acts where fairness has drawn the line, the same way individuals should also do. The problem is that the line is not always obvious for governments, international players and individuals alike.
This discussion on individualism took us away from the content of the book itself. Coming back to it, a few additional points I believe needs to be mentioned. Three stories I think have been left out of Easterly accounts because, I suppose, they did not fit well the model he is trying to defend.
1) The success of Soviet Union in imitating as well as innovating technologies, despite its extreme opposition to individualism, its denial of property rights, its authoritarianism, centralism and quintessential technocracy, was nevertheless remarkable. It can be argued that the model soon run out of steam and would not be able to catch up any way. Still, the advances were extraordinary compared to the third world where lower concentration of those negative factors was present. The failure of the Soviet Union might be attributed as a consequence more of the political constraints it lived of than the economic results it did not deliver. The danger of technocracy is not its presumed uselessness but the opposite; it is the possibility of success that it might bring about, and the logical convincing technical arguments that its promises will be fulfilled. The faith it is capable to amass is not trivial or easily dismissible, even when the autocrats were unmistakably non-benevolent. And, sometimes, they indeed succeed, even if temporarily.
2) The exploitative nature of early capitalism, combined with colonial and imperial ruthlessness cannot be denied as essential engine of the accumulation that contributed to the conditions that made technological breakthrough possible. History is dirtier than Easterly talks. To be fair, he clearly links the backwardness in today’s poor countries to the support given to their autocratic leaders by developed country governments. But he does not mention the contrast between the assurances of individual rights happening in the home country at the same time that oppressive extraction of wealth was happening abroad. The rights guaranteed at home were systematically and often crudely denied elsewhere. That was not a marginal side effect or “collateral damage” that could not be properly prevented; it was intrinsic to the accumulation process and therefore to the progress seen in the centers of power. Those abuses bear larger responsibilities. In fact the history of exploitation could be pictured as de facto “success” stories, where the real intentions were indeed achieved; keeping the locals at the lowest level, as close as possible to slavery, but just avoiding it (in the end, slavery was not worthy its costs any more). Even the conditions the working classes were living in developed countries, and still leave in middle and low-income countries, despite all the property rights, freedom of speeches, checks and balances and anti-autocratic mechanisms, are not simply anecdotal. Today’s developed country consumers concerns about purchasing products from sweatshops abroad, are but a recent mild reversal of the enjoyment of the fruits of exploitative practices of a not so long ago past.
3) The role of the state in funding research in developed countries has been left out of the picture too; that is not a matter of discussing market versus state; this is rather a mater of empirical facts. The book by Mariana Mazzucato, “The Entrepreneurial State: Debunking Public vs. Private Myths” presents a wealth of examples on how essential state investment has been in fostering innovations in all technological fields. That has not been carried out as a matter of letting individuals to pick up topics of their own choosing; that have been practices of directing people to areas of high interests, excluding others that in spite of huge potential benefits did not have the same strategic prospects. Here the invisible hand held a stick with a carrot hanging on it; both have been used with unquestionable success. That is not the “invisible hand” of individualist choices riding the racing horses of development, but rather the visible hand of the technocrats pointing at where the rewards are.
In conclusion, the effort of the author in reminding the core importance of rights for the poor in development processes is fully commendable and we can say his point has been well made. What has been left to be solved though, on the theoretical ground, is the "partnership" between individualism and rights, and on the pragmatic ground, are the institutions and processes that should make rights and entitlements real. Furthermore, without nation states, entities that Easterly often seems to consider a distraction on the way of understanding the true determinants of development, where will institutions supporting the rights of the poor be erected? What will be the institutional guarantor of such rights? How could rights have existence detached from the political setting that is needed to create them? Easterly did not fully address these questions. Maybe, he will, in his next book.
Still to be answered is also the question on how today’s State-nations can relinquish “conscious design” when the economic power given to them by taxes have to be put to good use. What would be the alternative? Governing without plans, policies, programs and budgets? Is that possible? If the reflection goes in that direction we may as well ask whether there is really an incompatibility between “conscious design” and development. Is that just a matter of fine-tuning Sates’ interventions? If so, how to find out where enough is enough? Inspired in Hayek, he argues that the “spontaneous order” can also have the same role in the political arena as it has in the market place, leading to the best results. However, as politics must be the realm of conscious debates and coordinated decisions, there should not be place for “invisible hands”; any calculation of “private vs. public returns” will be highly speculative, artificial and politically motivated; markets can be left to themselves, politics, by definition, cannot. But that is a political philosophy topic that would need many more pages to disentangle. His next book may also bring answers to these questions.
In spite of these, this is a necessary and a must read book.






