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United States of Jihad: Who Are America's Homegrown Terrorists, and How Do We Stop Them? Paperback – February 7, 2017
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Since 9/11, more than three hundred Americans—born and raised in Minnesota, Alabama, New Jersey, and elsewhere—have been indicted or convicted of terrorism charges. Some have taken the fight abroad: an American was among those who planned the attacks in Mumbai, and more than eighty U.S. citizens have been charged with ISIS-related crimes. Others have acted on American soil, as with the attacks at Fort Hood, the Boston Marathon, and in San Bernardino. What motivates them, how are they trained, and what do we sacrifice in our efforts to track them?
Paced like a detective story, United States of Jihad tells the entwined stories of the key actors on the American front. Among the perpetrators are Anwar al-Awlaki, the New Mexico-born radical cleric who became the first American citizen killed by a CIA drone and who mentored the Charlie Hebdo shooters; Samir Khan, whose Inspire webzine has rallied terrorists around the world, including the Tsarnaev brothers; and Omar Hammami, an Alabama native and hip hop fan who became a fixture in al Shabaab’s propaganda videos until fatally displeasing his superiors.
Drawing on his extensive network of intelligence contacts, from the National Counterterrorism Center and the FBI to the NYPD, Peter Bergen also offers an inside look at the controversial tactics of the agencies tracking potential terrorists—from infiltrating mosques to massive surveillance; at the bias experienced by innocent observant Muslims at the hands of law enforcement; at the critics and defenders of U.S. policies on terrorism; and at how social media has revolutionized terrorism.
Lucid and rigorously researched, United States of Jihad is an essential new analysis of the Americans who have embraced militant Islam both here and abroad.
— Washington Post, Notable Non-Fiction Books in 2016
- Print length424 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherCrown
- Publication dateFebruary 7, 2017
- Dimensions5.19 x 0.96 x 8 inches
- ISBN-100804139563
- ISBN-13978-0804139564
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Editorial Reviews
Review
A New York Times Editors' Choice
“Mr. Bergen writes with authority and range... His profiles of jihadists... leave the reader with a harrowing appreciation of the banality of evil and an unnerving sense of missteps made by the authorities... Mr. Bergen’s detailed accounts of terror plots (both executed, foiled or failed) make for chilling reading.”
—MICHIKO KAKUTANI, NEW YORK TIMES
“Excellent... Bergen’s book is the best one-volume treatment available on the current state of jihad in America.”
—JANET NAPOLITANO, NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW
“Peter Bergen is a skilled and sensitive reporter with unparalleled access to the law-enforcement and intelligence communities... He has written what in effect are two books about terrorism. Both are valuable. One is a riveting, thoroughly researched account of the evolving state of the threat as a growing number of American citizens join the ranks of foreign terrorist movements—and of how U.S. intelligence and law-enforcement agencies are addressing the constantly shifting threat. The other is a skilled defense of... the Obama administration’s anti-terror effort: one that attempts to steer between the perceived extremes of panicky overreaction and a failure to acknowledge how politically and socially devastating terror attacks can be.”
—WALTER RUSSELL MEAD, WALL STREET JOURNAL
“Peter Bergen... one of America's most prominent terrorism experts, makes a compelling and often unsettling case that, in the years since Sept. 11, 2001, Islamist terrorism in the United States has metamorphosed... The transformation of domestic jihadism has not only dispersed the Islamist terrorist threat but in a perverse process of cultural intermingling has partly Americanized jihad itself. The 'soft power' appeal of American culture is often considered to be one of this country's most enduring assets, but the new admixture of jihadi terror and pop culture savoir faire potentially turns this idea on its head... Bergen takes a generally skeptical view of the growth of the post-9/11 national security state and of the fear-mongering about Islam that has increasingly transfixed the darker crannies of American politics. This skepticism, I think, is not only strategically and morally sound but also borne out by the facts.”
—LOS ANGELES TIMES
“There’s drama in the cases Bergen relates... He makes a highly reliable guide on the road to the present day.”
—KARL VICK, TIMEMAGAZINE
“A crisply methodical detailing of the types of people and attacks involved in Islam-inspired terrorism here and abroad… Bergen knows his topic extremely well."
—USA TODAY
“Disturbing and topical… [United States of Jihad] is an engrossing and edifying book… It is to Bergen’s immense credit that, without downplaying the threat of Islamist terrorism—home-grown or directed at America by groups abroad—he refrains from overstating it and attempts to maintain perspective… The author deserves kudos for simultaneously recognizing the potential of secular Muslims—who are too often ignored—to change people’s attitudes.”
—BOSTON GLOBE
“Bergen pulls you in with snappy, conversational writing... exploding some of the easy assumptions about jihadists in the United States.”
—WASHINGTON POST
“Bergen, who has interviewed convicted terrorists, their families and friends and people working across the counterterrorism profession, is the most sober guide to the subject one could hope for….But Bergen also has an eye for the human factor, which makes this book, for all its horror, humane. ‘Jihadization’ is usually a great blow to the families of the person involved, and Bergen presents poignant family portraits.”
—THE GLOBE AND MAIL
“Gripping… There is much to commend in Mr. Bergen’s important book. Readers will benefit from his astute observations, based on numerous case studies… [Mr. Bergen] offers a sobering assessment that should not be overlooked.”
—WASHINGTON TIMES
“Bergen’s book provides sobering reading in a feverish U.S. political climate.”
—AL JAZEERA AMERICA
“Bergen has been at the forefront of reporting on terrorism for more than 20 years. In this innovative and illuminating work... Bergen explores nearly every aspect of terrorist activity, from ISIS’ use of social media to the FBI’s development of behavioral profiles that identify potential terror activists. Both balanced and galvanizing, Bergen’s meticulous portrait of violent extremism is required reading for anyone who truly wants to understand the nature of the evolving threats from within and without.”
—BOOKLIST (starred review)
“Bergen calmly and lucidly examines the diverse stories of the more than 300 people in the United States who have been charged with jihadist terrorist crimes since September 11, 2001. His nuanced insights, couched within a series of gripping narratives, offer readers a solid foundation to knowledgeably face the barrage of political opinions being flung about by many Americans this election year… Highly recommended for all readers seeking an informed view of current events.”
—LIBRARY JOURNAL
“There are a number of fine scholars of jihad, but no one matches Peter Bergen in clarity and wisdom, qualities abundantly on display in this valuable book.”
—LAWRENCE WRIGHT, author of The Looming Tower and Going Clear
“Nobody burrows deeper into the horrifying world of organized terror, uncovering harrowing stories of near-misses and fatal attacks, than Peter Bergen. And nobody analyzes this fraught subject with such calm, careful rigor. His portrait of the terrorists next door and the agents who hunt them is worthy of Homeland—except that it’s all too real.”
—FRANKLIN FOER, author of How Soccer Explains the World
“Peter Bergen has become one of America’s most important analysts of Islamist militancy and terrorism. Here he again provides a timely, sober study of the diverse and fragmentary character of homegrown violent jihadists. He places the scale of the threat into accurate perspective without minimizing its dangers. Every American should read this book.”
—STEVE COLL, author of Ghost Wars and Private Empire
“A fascinating and vitally important look at the rise of American jihadists. Brilliantly reported and researched, this is an essential book for anyone who wants to understand why hundreds of Americans have turned to radical Islam.”
—ANDERSON COOPER
“It is hard to imagine a timelier book than this one. Peter Bergen does what he does best—telling mesmerizing stories that weave together exhaustive research to illuminate a critically important subject. He shows us that the Americans among us who turn to jihad are not who we imagine, suggesting ways in which we can be simultaneously more humane and more secure.”
—ANNE-MARIE SLAUGHTER, author of The Idea That Is America; president and CEO of New America
“With his latest book, Peter Bergen shows once again that he has become the premier chronicler of jihadism in the twenty-first century. Read it and come away with a new understanding of America and of terrorism.”
—THOMAS E. RICKS, author of The Generals and Fiasco
“In this incisive book Peter Bergen answers many questions about terrorism that preoccupy Americans today. Why does extremism appeal to some young Muslims in America? What is the nature and scope of the threat? Rich in detail and eminently readable, this unique book explains both the challenge of terrorism and the turmoil in the Muslim heartland that fuels it.”
—VALI NASR, author of The Dispensable Nation; Dean, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins
About the Author
Bergen is the author of four previous books about terrorism, including three New York Times bestsellers and three Washington Post nonfiction books of the year. His books have been translated into twenty languages and made into four documentaries, and his writing has appeared in the New York Times, the Washington Post ,the Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic, Rolling Stone, Time, Foreign Affairs, Vanity Fair, and elsewhere. In 1997, as a producer for CNN, Bergen produced Osama bin Laden's first television interview, in which bin Laden declared war against the United States for the first time to a Western audience.
He lives in Washington, DC, with his wife, documentary producer Tresha Mabile, and his children, Pierre and Grace.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Chapter 1
Americans for ISIS
Against them make ready your strength to the utmost of your power, including steeds of war, to strike terror into [the hearts of] the enemies of Allah.
--The Koran
On the thirteenth anniversary of 9/11, nineteen-year-old Mohammed Hamzah Khan sent an e‑mail to the U.S. State Department inquiring about the application he had made for a passport, which had “still not arrived.” Two weeks later Khan paid $2,679 for flights from Chicago to Vienna and then on to Istanbul for himself and his two younger siblings. He had planned meticulously, saving up the money for the tickets while working at a local big-box home supply store, assembling tourist visas for Turkey, and packing sleeping bags and clothes for the trip. Khan had met someone online who had provided him with the number of a contact in Istanbul who would help to get him and his siblings to the Turkish-Syrian border, and from there on to the region occupied by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
Accompanying Khan would be his seventeen-year-old sister, Mina, and his sixteen-year-old brother, Khalid, all three excited to make their pilgrimage to the Promised Land. Mina planned to marry an ISIS fighter, while Khan himself planned to serve in a combat role perhaps, or with the group’s police force. As he contemplated the trip, Khan doodled in his notebook a picture of a fighter with the legend “Come to Jihad” in Arabic behind him, as well as the distinctive ISIS flag: white Arabic letters on a black background. Meanwhile, Mina watched Saleel Sawarim (The Clanking of the Swords), one of a series of one-hour videos showing summary executions of ISIS’s enemies. She later tweeted that she had watched it, including emoticons of a smiley face and a heart.
Earlier that month, on September 2, 2014, American journalist Steven Sotloff had been executed by ISIS following a brutal imprisonment. The beheadings of both Sotloff and his fellow hostage, James Foley (also an American journalist), were videotaped, carried out off-camera while a black-clad terrorist demanded that U.S. air strikes against ISIS cease. In an unmistakable London accent, the terrorist addressed President Barack Obama, promising that “just as your missiles continue to strike our people, our knife will continue to strike the necks of your people.”
According to a Wall Street Journal/NBC poll, the executions were the most widely followed news story of the past five years in the United States, provoking widespread outrage. Yet even as the story developed, the three American teenagers living in suburban Chicago were finalizing their plans to join what they saw as the perfect Islamic state. Hamzah Khan and his siblings saw the soldiers of ISIS not as fanatical, Taliban-style murderers, but as the creators of a utopia.
Khan, who had been six at the time of the 9/11 attacks, wrote a three-page letter to his parents explaining why he was leaving Chicago. He told them that an Islamic utopia had been established by ISIS and that he felt obligated to “migrate” there, grandly extending “an invitation to my family” to join him. He couldn’t bear that his American tax dollars would be used to kill “my Muslim brothers and sisters,” and wrote that he was upset by the depravity of the West, which he described as “getting more immoral day by day.” He didn’t want his own children “to be exposed to filth like this.” Writing in capital letters, Khan instructed his parents to “FIRST AND FOREMOST, PLEASE MAKE SURE NOT TO TELL THE AUTHORITIES.”
Khan’s siblings also wrote letters. His brother wrote that the “evil of this country makes me sick,” citing the deaths of innocent Afghan children in attacks by American drones. His sister wrote of her longing for death and the afterlife. Both begged their parents not to call the police, seeming to understand that joining ISIS was viewed as a crime by American authorities.
The infatuation the Khan teenagers felt for ISIS was hard to square with their upbringing. Their father, Shafi, and mother, Zarine, had come to the United States from India as college students, and both readily embraced life in America, which they viewed as a “paradise.” Even now, Zarine says, “Everything is so organized. The people are so nice. You know everything is by the rules.” Her husband, Shafi, explains, “There’s a lot of opportunities. You can do anything you want. You can be a lawyer. You can be a doctor. You can be a businessman. You can study whatever you like.” While he earned a degree in environmental science from Northeastern Illinois University, Shafi worked as a gift store supervisor at Chicago’s O’Hare Airport before going on to work for an Islamic charity. Zarine stayed at home with their five children. They became U.S. citizens.
The household in which the Khan children grew up was observant but not extreme. The Khan parents went out of their way to shield their children from elements of American culture they deemed too permissive, such as television shows that featured profanity. When the kids were young the TV broke, and it was never replaced. Zarine wore a veil, and all the Khan children attended Islamic schools; this was partly because the education there was better than in the local public schools--in India, Zarine and Shafi had attended Catholic schools for the same reason--but also because the Khan parents wanted their children to grow up as practicing Muslims. When Hamzah turned thirteen he spent more than two years learning to recite the Koran from memory, a feat that entails memorizing some six thousand Arabic verses.
Yet even as Zarine and Shafi respected Muslim traditions, they raised their children to be Americans. The children grew up playing basketball and reading Marvel comics and Tintin books. They shopped at Walmart and went on a vacation to Niagara Falls. The whole family pitched in to do yard work. During high school Hamzah volunteered at the local mosque but also read Japanese manga. He was a fan of TV shows such as The Walking Dead and CSI and had a girlfriend. When Kim Kardashian was visiting Chicago, Hamzah took a selfie with her. Like many Chicagoans, he was a big fan of the Bulls and the Bears.
After high school Hamzah started studying engineering at Benedictine University. The Khans were then homeschooling Mina, who planned to be a doctor. As for so many other Muslim American families, the American Dream seemed to be working its magic for the Khans.
On October 4, 2014, Hamzah Khan rose before dawn to say the first of the five daily prayers with his father. When they returned from the local mosque at around 6:00 a.m., Shafi returned to bed and Hamzah and his brother and sister launched their plan. They folded up comforters in their beds to make it appear that they were still sleeping there, gathered their freshly issued U.S. passports and tickets to Vienna and Istanbul, and took a taxi to O’Hare Airport. Their contact in Turkey was a shadowy ISIS recruiter they had met online, Abu Qa’qa, with whom they had arranged--communicating anonymously via the smartphone messaging applications Kik and WhatsApp--to travel to Raqqa, Syria, completing a five-thousand-mile journey from the heart of the Midwest to ISIS headquarters. At last their dream of jihad was becoming a reality.
They didn’t make it. U.S. Customs and Border Protection officials stopped the Khans at O’Hare. Around noon, FBI agents arrived at the Khan house, where Shafi opened the door. One of the agents asked, “Do you know where your kids are?” Shafi replied, “They are upstairs sleeping.” The agent said, “No, they’re at the airport. They were trying to board a plane.” The Khans were in shock: Hamzah always told them where he was going, even if it was just to the nearby Walmart. The only untoward behavior the Khans had lately seen in their three teenagers was their inordinate attachment to their phones, which the parents didn’t monitor with the same vigilance as they did their home computers.
At first Hamzah told FBI agents that he and his siblings were going on vacation to Istanbul to see the famous Blue Mosque, but over the course of a marathon eleven hours of interviews he revealed their plan to meet with members of ISIS. A search of the Khan household soon turned up the incriminating letters the Khan children had written to their parents. Hamzah faced up to fifteen years in prison for trying to provide “material support” to ISIS in the form of his own services. At seventeen years old, Mina faced the possibility of being charged as an adult.
The Khan kids had never been in trouble with the law; nor did federal prosecutors allege that they planned any acts of violence. Hamzah seemed motivated more by the desire to join ISIS’s “perfect” Islamic state than by the prospect of fighting in ISIS’s overseas campaign; Mina told FBI agents that “none of us will ever hurt anybody.” But to federal prosecutors, the Khan siblings were knowingly trying to join an anti-American death cult recently designated a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the Obama administration.
Three months after the Khan teenagers were arrested, some three hundred supporters gathered in a suburban mosque on a frigid Chicago night to raise money for their defense. It was a representative cross section of the Muslim American community: computer engineers from India, doctors from Pakistan, South Asian cabdrivers, Albanian businessmen, and a sprinkling of more fundamentalist students wearing black turbans in the style of the Taliban.
The Khan family had retained Thomas Durkin to defend their oldest son. Durkin, a professorial sixty-eight-year-old lawyer and a former federal prosecutor, had represented a range of clients few would defend, including neo-Nazis and one of the key plotters of the 9/11 attacks. He greeted the congregation with a rousing Salaam Alaikum (“Peace be upon you”) and, in a strong Chicago accent, warmed up the crowd with jokes about his Irish-Catholic background. Durkin then turned serious, saying that if Hamzah Khan had been an Irish Catholic instead of a Muslim American, the FBI would have contacted his parents about the online activity of their son.
This was close to what had happened in the case of Shannon Conley of Denver, exactly the same age as Hamzah Khan, whom FBI agents met with repeatedly beginning in late 2013 to talk her out of her plan to join ISIS. The agents suggested that she work for a humanitarian organization instead. These interventions failed; Conley was arrested at Denver International Airport in April 2014 while trying to board a flight for her trip to Syria and was sentenced to four years in prison the following year. With the Khan children, no attempts were made by the FBI to intervene or alert their parents. Instead, the FBI had mounted an investigation that could put Hamzah away for a crime he had not actually succeeded in committing.
Durkin described his client as a true believer who thought he was going to join the perfect society. In that sense, Hamzah was similar to an earlier generation of idealistic Americans who flocked to Spain in the 1930s to show their solidarity with the antifascists fighting Franco. In the absence of social media, Durkin said, Hamzah would never have been persuaded by ISIS’s message. He was, in short, a misguided kid who needed to be defended against both the U.S. government, with its unlimited resources and scant respect for the rights of Muslim Americans, and the siren call of ISIS’s slick propaganda. The congregation applauded loudly.
Next up was Fisal Hammouda, an Egyptian-American cleric sporting a well-trimmed short beard and a smart gray suit. Hammouda’s task was to drum up money for Hamzah Khan’s defense. Financing an effective defense of an alleged terrorist in federal court, where terrorism cases have a conviction rate of 99 percent, is no small matter. The cleric first made the point that America “is our home,” but then segued into claims that 9/11 had been an “internal demolition job” calculated to justify a war in Afghanistan in which a million people were killed. The cleric also said that mosques across the country were riddled with government “infiltrators.” Durkin and the other members of his legal team looked uncomfortable.
After shouting, “Hamzah Khan is our son!” the cleric said that one hundred thousand dollars was needed to fund Hamzah’s defense. He began by asking for a ten-thousand-dollar donation, which was met with a long silence. No one in the mosque had that kind of money to give. When he lowered the ask to five thousand, a couple of hands went up, greeted by loud cries of “Takbir!” and “Allahu Akbar!”--Arabic phrases signifying the greatness of God. Smaller donations trickled in, and by the end of the evening many tens of thousands of dollars had been promised.
On January 12, 2015, Hamzah pleaded not guilty at the federal courthouse in Chicago. Outside the courthouse Zarine said, “We condemn the brutal tactics of ISIS and groups like them. And we condemn the brainwashing and the recruiting of children.” Fighting back tears, her husband standing beside her, Zarine addressed herself to the leader of ISIS, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi: “We have a message for ISIS, Mr. Baghdadi and his fellow social media recruiters: Leave our children alone!”
In 2014, ISIS made alarming strides toward becoming the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” it claimed to be, having seized large regions of both countries, including population centers such as Mosul, the second-largest city in Iraq. The group assumed some of the conventional trappings of a state, implementing its own police force and ambulances in the cities it controlled, and even issuing its own license plates. It also imposed Taliban-style rule (a draconian implementation of sharia, or Koranic, law that has involved throwing homosexuals to their deaths from tall buildings, lopping off the hands of thieves, beheading women accused of “sorcery,” and enslaving and raping minority women) over some eight million Syrians and Iraqis. Within several months of conquering Mosul, ISIS had drawn to its banners a dozen or so affiliated terrorist groups around the Muslim world, stretching from the coast of North Africa to the mountains of the Hindu Kush.
Al-Qaeda, ISIS’s rival for the leadership of the global jihadist movement, could only dream of such success. Originally an al-Qaeda offshoot, ISIS had splintered from the group in early 2014 over a number of tactical differences. Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden saw the establishment of the caliphate (the sharia-ruled Promised Land to which the Khan siblings thought they were traveling) as a distant goal, whereas ISIS had a more aggressive timetable, claiming its leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, to be the successor of the Prophet Muhammad as leader of the Islamic world. And while al-Qaeda believed that killing Muslims, at least, was generally to be avoided, an integral part of ISIS’s bid for dominance was the mass murder of anyone and everyone who didn’t follow its precepts to the letter.
Product details
- Publisher : Crown; Reprint edition (February 7, 2017)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 424 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0804139563
- ISBN-13 : 978-0804139564
- Item Weight : 11.5 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.19 x 0.96 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,347,319 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
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About the author

Peter Bergen is a journalist, documentary producer, think tank executive, professor, and author of seven books, three of which were New York Times bestsellers and four of which were named among the non-fiction books of the year by the Washington Post. The books have been translated into twenty-four languages and have been turned into four documentaries, two of which were nominated for Emmys and one of which won an Emmy.
He is Vice President for Global Studies & Fellows, Director of the International Security Program at New America in Washington D.C.; Professor of Practice at the School of Politics and Global Studies at Arizona State University, where he is the co-director of the Center on the Future of War; CNN’s national security analyst, Host of the Audible podcast "In the Room with Peter Bergen," and a fellow at Fordham University’s Center on National Security. Bergen is on the editorial board of Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, a leading scholarly journal in the field has testified before multiple congressional committees about Afghanistan, Pakistan, al-Qaeda, drones, ISIS and other national security issues. He is a member of the Homeland Security Experts Group and writes a weekly column for CNN.com. He has held teaching positions at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University and at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University.
In 2021 Bergen published The Rise and Fall of Osama bin Laden. It was named one of the best nonfiction books of the year by the Los Angeles Times and Kirkus Reviews. The New York Times described it as “Meticulously documented, fluidly written and replete with riveting detail… Equally revealing about the Americans and their pursuit of him.”
In 2019, he published Trump and His Generals: The Cost of Chaos, which was revised and updated for the 2022 paperback The Cost of Chaos: The Trump Administration and the World. The Washington Post described it as “the best single account of Trump’s foreign policy to date.”
United States of Jihad: Investigating America’s Homegrown Terrorists was published in 2016. It was named one of the best non-fiction books of 2016 by the Washington Post. Director Greg Barker adapted the book for the HBO film Homegrown: The Counter-Terror Dilemma.
A previous book, a New York Times bestseller, was Manhunt: The Ten-Year Search for Bin Laden, from 9/11 to Abbottabad. The book was translated into eight languages, and HBO produced a documentary based on it. The film, for which Bergen was the executive producer, was in the Sundance Film 2013 competition, and it won the Emmy for best documentary in 2013. The Washington Post named Manhunt one of the best non-fiction books of 2012, and The Guardian named it one of the key books on Islamist extremism. The Sunday Times (UK) named it the best current affairs book of 2012, and The Times (UK) named it one of the best non-fiction books of 2012. The book was awarded the Overseas Press Club Cornelius Ryan Award for best non-fiction book of 2012 on international affairs. Bergen was awarded the Stephen Ambrose History Award in 2014.
Together with his wife Tresha Mabile he produced a film for National Geographic Television, “American War Generals,” which aired in 2014. They also produced "Legion of Brothers" for CNN Films, which premiered at Sundance in 2017.
His 2011 New York Times bestseller was The Longest War: The Enduring Conflict between America and Al-Qaeda. New York Times book reviewer Michiko Kakutani writes, “For readers interested in a highly informed, wide-angled, single-volume briefing on the war on terror so far, “The Longest War” is clearly that essential book.” Tom Ricks, also writing in the Times, described the book as “stunning.” Longest War won the $30,000 Gold Prize for best book on the Middle East of 2011 from the Washington Institute. Newsweek and the Guardian named Longest War as one of the key books about terrorism of the past decade. And Amazon, Kirkus, and Foreign Policy named Longest War as one of the best books of 2011.
His previous book was “The Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of al Qaeda’s Leader” (Free Press, 2006). It was named one of the best non-fiction books of 2006 by The Washington Post. “The Osama bin Laden I Know” was translated into French, Spanish and Polish, and CNN produced a two hour documentary, “In the Footsteps of bin Laden,” based on the book. Bergen was one of the producers of the CNN documentary, which was named the best documentary of 2006 by the Society of Professional Journalists and was nominated for an Emmy. Bergen is also the author of Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Bin Laden. (Free Press, 2001). Holy War, Inc. was a New York Times bestseller, has been translated into eighteen languages and was named one of the best non-fiction books of 2001 by The Washington Post. A documentary based on Holy War, Inc., which aired on National Geographic Television, was nominated for an Emmy in 2002. Bergen was the recipient of the 2000 Leonard Silk Journalism Fellowship and was the Pew Journalist in Residence at the School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University in 2001 while writing Holy War, Inc. He was a fellow at New York University’s Center on Law & Security between 2003 and 2011.
Talibanistan: Negotiating the Borders Between Terror, Politics, and Religion is a collection of essays about the Taliban that Bergen edited with Katherine Tiedemann that was published by Oxford University Press in 2013. The New York Review of Books described the book as “a frequently brilliant collection of essays by different experts on the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan.” Cambridge University Press published Drone Wars: Transforming Conflict, Law, and Policy in 2014 which Bergen edited with Daniel Rothenberg, in which a variety of experts consider how armed drones are reshaping warfare and the legal norms that surround it.
Bergen has written about al-Qaeda, Afghanistan, Pakistan, ISIS, counterterrorism, homeland security and countries around the Middle East for a range of American newspapers and magazines including the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Foreign Affairs, The Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic, Rolling Stone, TIME, The Nation, The National Interest, Mother Jones, Newsweek, Washington Times and Vanity Fair. His story on extraordinary rendition for Mother Jones was part of a package of stories nominated for a 2008 National Magazine Award. He has also written for newspapers and magazines around the world such as The Guardian, The Times, The Daily Telegraph, International Herald Tribune, Prospect, El Mundo, La Repubblica, The National, Der Spiegel, Die Welt and Focus. And he has worked as a correspondent or producer for multiple documentaries that have aired on National Geographic, Discovery and CNN. He was the editor of the South Asia Channel and the South Asia Daily, online publications of Foreign Policy magazine for many years. The AfPak Channel for which Bergen was the editor was nominated in 2011 for a National Magazine Award for Best Online Department.
In 1997, as a producer for CNN, Bergen produced bin Laden’s first television interview, in which he declared war against the United States for the first time to a Western audience. In 1994 he won the Overseas Press Club Edward R. Murrow award for best foreign affairs documentary for the CNN program “Kingdom of Cocaine,” which was also nominated for an Emmy. Bergen co-produced the CNN documentary Terror Nation which traced the links between Afghanistan and the bombers who attacked the World Trade Center for the first time in 1993. The documentary, which was shot in Afghanistan during the civil war there and aired in 1994, concluded that the country would be the source of additional anti-Western terrorism. From 1998 to 1999 Bergen worked as a correspondent-producer for CNN. He was program editor for “CNN Impact,” a co-production of CNN and TIME, from 1997 to 1998.
Previously he worked for CNN as a producer on a wide variety of international and U.S. national stories. From 1985 to 1990 he worked for ABC News in New York. In 1983 he traveled to Pakistan for the first time with two friends to make a documentary about the Afghan refugees fleeing the Soviet invasion of their country. The subsequent documentary, Refugees of Faith, was shown on Channel 4 (UK).
Bergen has a degree in Modern History from New College, Oxford University. He won an Open Scholarship when he went up to New College in 1981. Before that he attended Ampleforth. He was born in Minneapolis in 1962 and was raised in London.
He is married to the documentary director/producer Tresha Mabile. Her web site can be found here http://treshamabile.com/index.html. They have a son and a daughter.
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More than forty years ago I graduated from UCLA with a degree in political science. One of my favorite upper division courses was Assassination & Terrorism taught by David Rapoport examining the goals and strategies of terrorist organizations. This was, of course, decades before 9/11 and the current situation we find ourselves in today trying to make sense and understand the "Lone Wolf" mentality. Peter Bergen's thoughtful analysis of events since 9/11 explores the motivations and "red flag" behaviors that people go through in the process of changing from ordinary people, to ultra-conservative Fundamentalist Muslims intolerant of others and ultimately to jihadist. In almost all cases, there were warning signs that were not heeded. Many of these Jihadists were second-generation immigrants who didn't start out as observant Muslims. He explores the impact of foreign terrorist organizations, including the rapid rise of ISIS and their recruitment strategies. The analysis helps a person unfamiliar with these organizations to get a glimpse of how differently they see the world and explains why they have been so effective in recruiting seemingly normal people to join their ranks. His book extends to topics of exporting Jihad by Americans that took their Jihad to the conflict areas and explains the role the FBI has played in the efforts to curb terrorism. His analysis also focused on recent events including the Boston Bombers as well as Malik & Syed Farook, the San Bernadino couple that dropped off their infant child with a relative immediately prior to launching their Jihad killing a dozen and injuring scores more before they were killed. Finally, the book covers the current anti-Muslim hysteria projected by Donald Trump and other GOP candidates. The book explains why he feels we have a relatively low risk of an ISIS attack in America. After the thoughtful analysis he ultimately minimize the detriment of the lone-wolf Jihadist by putting terrorism in perspective with other violent crimes by showing more people have died from right-wing extremists than Islamic terrorists since 9/11. His conclusion, looking back at the events since 9/11, is that we will have a persistent low-level threat that will linger many years before it withers and dies. I was pleased with his analysis, but I came to a very different conclusion.
In my opinion, we can ill afford to walk-backwards looking at the people and events that have transpired since 9/11 to quantify the risks facing the United States in the near future. We need to realize that the world is fast evolving: In the past 20 years the manufacturing base of the American economy has disappeared. The vast majority of Americans today are frustrated working longer hours for less money in a service-based economy. The "large middle class" has now become a lower-income working class. The mere fact that a Democratic Socialist and a vulgar reality-TV real-estate mogul are the front-runners of this Presidential Election shows the anger, frustration and resentment that many Americans feel toward their government. Tens of thousands of college graduates are still living with their parents and are unemployed or underemployed without marketable skills in the new economy and are stuck with a huge education related debt. These are precisely the circumstances that encourage many second-generation immigrants to choose fundamental Muslim beliefs as an escape from an American Dream that has soured into an American nightmare. At the same time, over the past few years, a new generation of WMD has quietly been developed throughout the world. A proliferation of small, miniaturized and concealable weapons which are compact, more easily transportable and significantly more lethal can have a profound destabilizing impact on a world facing a global recession in the near future. A bomb much greater than any Hydrogen bomb ever detonated in the atmosphere can now be placed at the tip of a small cruise missile. If Malik & Sayed Farook had detonated such a device instead of a non-working pipe bomb after dropping off their infant child with relatives we wouldn't be minimizing the impact of the lone-wolf terrorist. The collapse of world oil prices may very soon destabilize countries such as Russia and other oil rich nations resulting in the inappropriate sale of some of these new generation miniaturized WMD. Therefore, understanding the thought process of the Jihadist should not be a low priority concern. This book is important reading by all Muslims so they can identify personality and behavior changes in their family members before a crises erupts into violence. This book is important reading by universities and colleges as we develop better strategies to neutralize these threats and redirect people at risk before they have crossed the tipping point. Failure to properly identify the scope of harm capable by a determined Jihadist in this new era of WMD could lead to catastrophic causalities in the foreseeable future and put our Republic at grave risk.
Of equal note, Bergen also questions some of the counter-terrorism tactics that have landed these people in jail such as FBI sting operations that basically provide them the means and support to carry out attacks in the United States that they probably would not have had, if not for the FBI. It is one of those rare philosophical terrorism questions: does adherence to an ideology make one a terrorist or is it ideology + means to carry out a threat that make a terrorist?
A very briskly paced book that leaves the reader a lot to think about.
Alternating between stories of individual terrorists and the anti-terrorist response and analysis, he details a profile that psychologists and researchers others have created. Newer thinking contradicts myths such as such as that most terrorists are young, uneducated, and unattached -- actually the majority are slightly older, many are married and have families including children, and half have at least some university education, most often in the sciences or engineering. The most recent thinking about tracking the background of terrorists: mostly male (although increasingly women are becoming part of jihad), aged between 15 and 35, generally well educated, generally relatively comfortable in their upbringing, many growing up in nonobservant families or other religions. Some kind of trigger -- loss of job, experiencing racism, death of family member, moral outrage about international affairs -- often began the process of radicalization in terms of turning to fundamentalism. However, studies seem to show that it takes fundamentalist views become politicized, and potential terrorists isolating themselves from families, friends, and mosques considered too "liberal," for the process to ramp up. Interestingly, the stage of disaffection often occurs as a direct result of religious radicalization; fundamentalist Islam hugely restricts the types of jobs a believer can take and still be within the bounds of a "true" fundamentalist Muslin, so that some men who held down quite high--paying jobs previously ended up dramatically underemployed with no foreseeable way to progress financially. One final step is bonding with other extremists, either through travel abroad, homegrown activities, or the internet.
Bergen has a few stories in which cousins, siblings, or close friends begin the process of radicalization together, but only one goes on to plot terrorists acts or actively join ISIS. The differences in these situations were fascinating; some people actually become unradicalized, and it seems that would be a really fruitful field of study in terms of countering ISIS propaganda and recruitment fantasies.
One major chapter focuses on the strategies of tracking and foiling terrorists. Bergen lays out the ways that police departments, the FBI, and other government organizations have attempted to combat potential terrorist threats, pointing out their successes and also their many failures, including discussing both in relation to surveillance and drone strikes. He points out attacks thwarted, attacks that took all officials by surprise, and overly aggressive entrapment and arrest policies which resulted in a dragnet for people who, according to all evidence, were never really a threat.
He ends with a potent discussion of the outsize fear of terrorists within the US -- including both an underestimation of the threat of the far right and "historical amnesia" about the the height of terrorist attacks in the US in the 1970s -- and warms of the dangers of anti-Muslim sentiment so prominent in the current political climate. He is not attempting the argue that there is no threat, but merely to say that the threat is greatly overblown by conspiracy theorists, right wing media, rigid ideologies, a lack of historical perspective, and the disparity between expert evaluations of risk and the fears of ordinary people.
The final pages of the book, which offer a bit of hope, are too brief for my liking; they focus on Islamic scholars and clerics banding together to condemn violence, religious intervention made in person by real scholars, and instances where parents of terrorists and relatives of victims have come together to speak against both Islamic fanaticism and Islamophobia. I would have liked to see this final section much expanded. There is a huge need for publicizing this type of response to homegrown jihad and not simply focusing obsessively on the acts of terrorism themselves.
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Politicians should read more of the history books but I am not sure how deeply thhey read or think.







