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War is a Racket: The Antiwar Classic by America's Most Decorated Soldier Paperback – April 1, 2003
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General Butler's screed crosses all ideological boundaries.
Originally printed in 1935, War Is a Racket is General Smedley Butler’s frank speech describing his role as a soldier as nothing more than serving as a puppet for big-business interests. The introduction discusses why General Butler went against the corporate war machine and how he exposed a fascist coup d’etat plot against President Franklin Roosevelt. Widely appreciated and referenced by left- and right-wingers alike, this is an extraordinary argument against war – more relevant now than ever.
This elegant new edition includes additional photos from the notorious 1932 anti-war book The Horror of It by Frederick A. Barber and two never-before-published anti-interventionist essays by General Butler.
- Print length80 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherFeral House
- Publication dateApril 1, 2003
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.2 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100922915865
- ISBN-13978-0922915866
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War Is a Racket: The Antiwar Classic by America's Most Decorated SoldierSmedley Darlington ButlerPaperback
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Review
“Butler is scathing in his description of how the U.S. government wasted the lives of those soldiers who died but also of those who survived… A stunning condemnation of U.S. militarism and it ends with a demand that rings true down to today – ‘To hell with war.’” — Ashley Smith, Socialist Worker
“America had seen its own attempt at a Fascist coup. Why, then, is this incident in U.S. history not better known? Why don’t children learn in school about the plot to seize the United States government?… The time has obviously come for Smedley Butler to have his moment in the sun. Butler’s attack on the military-industrial complex does more than expose war for the racket it is: It also gives the antiwar movement unmatched credibility.”— Ken Mondschein, corporatemofo.com
Product details
- Publisher : Feral House; Reprint edition (April 1, 2003)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 80 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0922915865
- ISBN-13 : 978-0922915866
- Item Weight : 3.56 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.2 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #372,259 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #143 in War & Peace (Books)
- #450 in World War I History (Books)
- #2,051 in History & Theory of Politics
- Customer Reviews:
About the authors

Discover more of the author’s books, see similar authors, read author blogs and more

Adam Parfrey is an American journalist, editor, and the publisher of Feral House books,whose work in all three capacities frequently centers on unusual, extreme, or "forbidden" areas of knowledge.
The Feral House blog appears at:
http://feralhouse.com/category/feral-blog/
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The book details the oppinion of a career military officer, a politically appointed general. The soldier is a Marine which ads credibility from a leadership tradition know for its 'fighting spirit'. Although oppinion, the basis of his oppinions are based in factual information and with anticipated counter aurguements addressed in advanced. True dialog is missing. The weakness of some aurguments, such as limited resources may have contributed to corporate financial gains are eliminated by comparing profits on historical trends prior to the conflicts. Other critisisms such as corporations selling products never used in the war might easily be rationalized by asserting anticipated needs, but considering the authors rank, status, 'need to know' position which would involve him in planning such anticipated needs gives sway to the generals conclusions. The author often argues using emoutional language and metaphor. The naming of corporate sponsor of war as murderers is avoided but could be a concievable conclusion. Although critical of the illegal gains and abuses in which the author was paticipatory, this work is in no way an apology, nor a repentance for a full military career served.
Credibility of the author is based in the duration of his career and notariaty. The marine Brigadier General is the US militaries most honor soldier, having recieved 2 Medals of Honor and 1 Brevet Medal (No longer issued, akin to the Medal of Honor). Some criticism may be generated by the idea that his dissident cries were for politcal gain, having run for political office and political activism. The answer to this claim is for the reader to determine, but seems apart from the ideas presented by the author. Regardless, the author proposes several solid ideas to remove the economic incentives out of war and create policies which deny officials the coercive practices and threatening posturing of military forces against other foriegn governments for other than national defense (which said practices are used for economic coercion). The author insists bulling, coercion and imposition of other soveriegn nations (Imperialism) for corporate interests is immoral, conter-productive to national progress and contradictory to American values, especially when the uncoerced outcomes would result in the same benefits without the high costs of war (men, material, prestige). These high costs are the profits which feed the corporate war profiteering (aka racketeering).
This book is useful for younger audiences. There is nothing too shocking nor distasteful in the language or presentation of the text and the subject matter is argued fairly if not unemoutionally. This book is a good example of how courageous personal action (whistle blowing) can overcome a broader trend towards pervasive and powerful corruption and may inspire what is popularly called "civil disobedience" for righteous causes. This book may be used to compare examples of civil rights abuses faced during 'McCarthism', the Civil Rights movement and the 'Patriot Act'. I recomend this book among others such as "Collateral Damage" by Chris Hodges to all those who are inspired by patriotic propaganda to join the armed uniformed services. The graphic images from "The Horror of It" seem tame by today's standards. They may be treated with muted respect considering the lack of accessable current day examples and improved battle field medicine.
At least this book should reveal that there is much hidden behind the politcal propaganda machines which at last motivates a nations people to give up its young to the physical, moral and phsycological horrors of war in additional to the suffering and sacrifice of those left at home to worry and bear the costs in even the shortest of military conflicts. The authors observations will give credence to the gutt reaction of many towards war: that their is much lacking in it's purpose, morality and worthiness with hopes that its text will motivate us as a people to raise the bar of restraint and accountability of our elected officals as it relates to war and war profiteering. For many it will confirm that "War is a Racket" (The author explains exactly what he means by this statment) and I percieve that a vast majority would agree with the author on his definition. For those who are locked in patriotic vigor for a military action based on a percieved 'just cause', this testimony may add insight to a larger view of the possible reasons for why a nation would consider lingering in an unwanted, economically depleating and physically exhausting war considered long overdue to end. Although frequently expressing his fervent compassion for the 'soldier in the trenches', some soldiers may find this book both revealing of the truth and/or offensive to their honor: both revealing the varied manipulation of their's and their families sacrifices while offending the personal integrity of others (most likely those in leadership positions).
The titles subtext of "Anti-war classic" is a bit misleading. The author was a career soldier who was politically appointed to general and excecuted his work so throughly well that he was decorated with high honors on multiple occasions and was an advocated for an impenetrable national defense. A better subtext for this work may be 'Taking the Profit Out of War' or 'Raising the Standard for Going to War' for the basic principles of the general was to reveal the manipulation of foreign governments by means of force, utilizing the full and combined powers of the United States armed forces and economic base in support of the gross avarice, greed and collusion of private corporate designs; both sides being aided and assisted by the economically and sensationalistically competative media propaganda machines.
After reading this short book, I am reminded that it is often flattery and not fact that decieves us from the truth for which oppinion is truth enough for faith to act. I am remined of those with whom I live, from my own generation, who would cover their lies without accounting and how many of these sorts have risen to political power. I am reminded that the power of an individuals vote STILL provides the ultimate means of power ... that we are provide the means to our own ends and that our progress still remains within our hands, the means by which to thwart abuses of power and coruption and for setting higher standards living and accountability. This book supports my belief that it is vital to have a strong national defense in such a dangerous world, but that power does not need to equate to coercion, manipulation or abuse of others. I was inspired by the idea of the practical application of taking the incentives out of what should be called murder for profit or at least racketeering. Unless one can remember a bullies punch to the stomach in exchange for lunch money, Americans are fortunate to be free from feelings such imposed injustices. I am impressed even more that justice, liberty, freedom and democracy cannot function without a free, independant and vibrant media and that without such journalism to report the relevant and current facts to the people 'en mass', democracy cannot endure, let alone thrive. I am reminded that corporations are not patriotic and that profits do not express the true progress of a people and nation.
I am impressed and amazed at how many of the most sinister of terms found in our vocabulary (racketeering, facism, coercion, murder) have lost our fear and concern.
I'll admit that my first reaction upon completion of this tome was less impressed that I am now at writting this review. I am upon writting this rewiew, impressed by how much such simple and short text has inspired me to think and how effective so few words can be at presenting such profound and compelling ideas for peace and prosperity. It reminds me that if someone needs to try so hard to convince you about somethin', that there must be somethin' wrong with it in the first place: the truth just seems to ring true.
Propoganda is for sugar coatin' what is unadvisable. Encouragement is the only thing needed to motivate a good person to a just cause ... to do something difficult. I would say this book encourages.
This book is recommendable to all if not quit a 'must read' and worthy of referencing current political, business and military discussions.
For Peace, For Democracy
From a Fellow Soldier
There was another brave military man out there who also warned about this problem. I refer to the former President and retired WWII General Dwight Eisenhower. In one his last speeches as President he warned the American people about the so-called "Military Industrial Complex." He warned America about a politically powerful corporate culture which had a vested interest in seeing America go to war, as opposed to other possible solutions which might be in the better interest of the United States and the people.
I know there are many people out there who believe that there are no "conspiracies" in America. Yet this is exactly what the retired generals Butler and Eisenhower warned us about. If our own leaders in big business and government are willing to connive to start wars and get thousands of people killed, then what else are they capable of?
I believe that Smedley Butler and Dwight Eisenhower were, like all of our serving men and women, honorable citizens who stood up in an emergency situation and followed orders. They obeyed our leaders in good patriotic faith. This is the sacrifice that all of our men and women make from the beginning when they are sent off to war, and to be shot and blown to pieces. They accept in good faith that their leaders are telling the truth, and that their sacrifices are necessary for the survival of our society. But once the fighting and the horror has come and gone - the real questions begin. Obviously Smedley Butler and Dwight Eisenhower were two veterans among many who realized that they weren't being told the whole truth, and that the system itself is corrupt.
The final question is whether the American people have the moral fortitude and courage to heed these warnings? Or will they sit idly as criminals lead this country down the road to bankruptcy, with half the world looking for revenge?
I believe that Smedley Butler's book addresses some vitally important issues - issues that could one day get you, or some one else in your family killed. Ignore this book at your own peril.
Now I know that there are some who would point to WWII as a refutation of Butler's thesis. But this position is the result of a most shallow consideration of the issues. Yes, we had to go to war to stop Hitler and the Japaneses - and to Roosevelt's credit he spent less money on Germany and Japan than Bush has spent in Iraq (so far). But the question most people never ask is "What happened to the Versaille Treaty?" When Hitler came to power in 1933 Germany was subject to this treaty, and Germany's economy was under the control of a syndicate of American banks which financed Germany's war reparations payments. Furthermore, under the Versaille Treaty Germany had no army, navy or airforce. In 1933 Hitler was in a very weak position and he could have easily been toppled.
Hitler never lied about his objectives. He could have been easily toppled. But instead, the US and British governments agreed to stop enforcing the Versaille Treaty, and they allowed Hitler to re-arm Germany. Many American companies like Ford, General Motors and ITT helped to rebuild Germany's military. (Some of these companies have even been sued by Holocaust survivors.) JP Morgan helped re-organize Germany's diverse chemical industry into the notorious IG Farben conglomerate, which in turn was the chief financial backer of the Nazi regime. Some readers may also be aware of the role W's grand father, Prescott Bush, in the financing of Germany's steel industry, which provided the steel for all those new Panzer tanks, and for the battleships Bismark and the Graf Spee.
Yes, once we look into the real issues, it becomes more than obvious that the good General Butler was in fact right after all.
Yes, we needed to fight WWII, but then again we had the leaders in place here at home who made damn sure that there was an enemy there to fight with. Most disgusting is that some of the American institutions who profited from the rebuilding of Germany's military also profited from the US war against Germany.
It would have been very intersting to see Smedley Butler's reaction to all of this, but he died in 1940. Right up to his death Butler was opposed to any US involvement in the British war with Germany. He is open to criticism because of this; but he certainly cannot be blamed for smelling a rat.
Top reviews from other countries
The author stigmatizes war as a perfect racket by the very few at the expense of the very many, where ‘the profits are reckoned in dollars and the losses in lives and taxes’. The general public shoulders the bill: ‘newly placed gravestones, mangled bodies, shattered minds, broken hearts and homes, economic instability and back-breaking taxation for generations’.
‘Not the people – not those who fight and pay and die – are looking for war, only those who remain safely at home to profit’. But, war propaganda makes people war and murder conscious. Even clergymen join in the clamor to kill: ‘God is on our side … on both sides!’
S. D. Butler proposes a draconian, but unfortunately, utopian solution to stop the racket: let the high-powered executives of factories, companies and banks who profit in wartime, be conscripted at the same wage as the lads in the trenches and the workers in their plants; and, let the generals and the politicians be restricted to a total monthly income not to exceed a soldier’s pay.
Politically, Smedley D. Butler vehemently believes that three measures should be imposed: take profit out of war; permit the youth who would bear arms to decide whether or not there should be war and, limit our military forces to home defense purposes only.
This violent diatribe is a must read for all men and women of good will.
When they state (in 2014) that we are "all in it together", naturally it is a reference to the fact that they "All have their fingers in the till together". It is not realistic to suppose that the corruption that we all see so plainly in African countries does not take place here in the UK. I remember a Nigerian saying to me when I commented on problems with corruption in Nigeria, that "We had very good teachers", referring to the British in Nigeria having their hands in the till before the Africans got there.
Hence the book explains the opportunity that a war provides for ripping off the public, and if you read material elsewhere, you will discover that both world wars were started by rich people for that precise purpose... to enrich themselves. This was discussed extensively during my early childhood, and we were not a politically-connected family.










