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War with Russia?: From Putin & Ukraine to Trump & Russiagate Paperback – February 1, 2019
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America is in a new Cold War with Russia even more dangerous than the one the world barely survived in the twentieth century. The Soviet Union is gone, but the two nuclear superpowers are again locked in political and military confrontations, now from Ukraine to Syria. All of this is exacerbated by Washington’s war-like demonizing of the Kremlin leadership and by Russiagate’s unprecedented allegations. US mainstream media accounts are highly selective and seriously misleading. American “disinformation,” not only Russian, is a growing peril.
In War With Russia?, Stephen F. Cohen—the widely acclaimed historian of Soviet and post-Soviet Russia—gives readers a very different, dissenting narrative of this more dangerous new Cold War from its origins in the 1990s, the actual role of Vladimir Putin, and the 2014 Ukrainian crisis to Donald Trump’s election and today’s unprecedented Russiagate allegations. Topics include:
- Distorting Russia
- US Follies and Media Malpractices 2016
- The Obama Administration Escalates Military Confrontation With Russia
- Was Putin’s Syria Withdrawal Really A “Surprise”?
- Trump vs. Triumphalism
- Has Washington Gone Rogue?
- Blaming Brexit on Putin and Voters
- Washington Warmongers, Moscow Prepares
- Trump Could End the New Cold War
- The Real Enemies of US Security
- Kremlin-Baiting President Trump
- Neo-McCarthyism Is Now Politically Correct
- Terrorism and Russiagate
- Cold-War News Not “Fit to Print”
- Has NATO Expansion Made Anyone Safer?
- Why Russians Think America Is Attacking Them
- How Washington Provoked—and Perhaps Lost—a New Nuclear-Arms Race
- Russia Endorses Putin, The US and UK Condemn Him (Again)
- Russophobia
- Sanction Mania
Cohen’s views have made him, it is said, “America’s most controversial Russia expert.” Some say this to denounce him, others to laud him as a bold, highly informed critic of US policies and the dangers they have helped to create.
War With Russia? gives readers a chance to decide for themselves who is right: are we living, as Cohen argues, in a time of unprecedented perils at home and abroad?
- Print length240 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHot Books
- Publication dateFebruary 1, 2019
- Dimensions6 x 0.6 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101510745815
- ISBN-13978-1510745810
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“A fantastic new book, which you should read.” —Tucker Carlson
“Cohen sees himself as a balancer, getting readers to see the other side. He laments what he terms ‘Russophobia’ among much of the American political class as well as high-profile journalists and academics. … At times, Cohen is a provocateur, but if he compels us to sharpen our analysis by examining a contrarian position, this is not such a bad thing. He often brings to light questions that others have neglected. He is especially adept at taking sometimes unfocused or ideologically eccentric views emanating from Russia and turning them into succinct, declarative statements. This alone is helpful. In our current volatile climate, dissenting voices are necessary to the conversation.”—Military Review journal, review essay by Robert F. Baumann, PhD
“The title of Cohen’s book is intended not as a prophecy but a warning. In the overexcited debate about Putin and Trump, Cohen chooses to eschew moderation because he believes that in practice that results in conformity with an anti-Russia narrative that is not only wrong but dangerous. This book will delight his supporters and enrage his opponents, while readers of a moderate persuasion will be able to admire the passion and tenacity of his resistance to the trend towards provoking war with Russia.” —Irish Times, reviewed by Geoffrey Roberts, emeritus professor of history at University College Cork and a member of the Royal Irish Academy
"It’s a page-turner."—Consortium News, reviewed by Ann Garrison
Praise for Stephen F. Cohen’s Books
Bukharin and The Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography
“This magnificent book will come to be regarded … as one of the two or three really outstanding studies in the history of the Soviet Union of the past 25 years.”—The New York Review of Books
Rethinking the Soviet Experience
“[Cohen] clarifies Russian issues better than anyone has in the past decade.”—Cleveland Plain Dealer
Sovieticus: American Perceptions and Soviet Realities
“A model of scholarly journalism, sound and wonderfully readable.”—Publishers Weekly
Failed Crusade: America and the Tragedy of Post-Communist Russia
“A blistering, brilliant, and deeply felt critique of America’s decade-long daydream of a Russia in transition.”—Kirkus Reviews
The Victims Return
“A striking memoir … Russians today are inheritors of an unspeakably immense crime, and Cohen engages fully — and personally — with the debate on the way they continue to grapple with their Stalinist legacy.”—The New Yorker
Soviet Fates and Lost Alternatives
“An extraordinarily rich book …an absolutely vital beginning point for anyone interested in a serious study of political and foreign policy developments involving Russia.”—Slavic Review
“Cohen’s ideas about Russia, which once got him invited to Camp David to advise a sitting president, now make him the most controversial expert in the field.”—The Chronicle Review
About the Author
Cohen’s other books include Bukharin and the Bolshevik Revolution: A Political Biography; Rethinking the Soviet Experience: Politics and History Since 1917; Sovieticus: American Perceptions and Soviet Realities; (with Katrina vanden Heuvel) Voices of Glasnost: Interviews With Gorbachev’s Reformers; Failed Crusade: America and the Tragedy of Post-Communist Russia; Soviet Fates and Lost Alternatives: From Stalinism to the New Cold War; and The Victims Return: Survivors of the Gulag After Stalin.
For his scholarly work, Cohen has received several honors, including two Guggenheim fellowships and a National Book Award nomination.
Over the years, he has also been a frequent contributor to newspapers, magazines, television, and radio. His “Sovieticus” column for The Nation won a 1985 Newspaper Guild Page One Award and for another Nation article a 1989 Olive Branch Award. For many years, Cohen was a consultant and on-air commentator on Russian affairs for CBS News. With the producer Rosemary Reed, he was also project adviser and correspondent for three PBS documentary films about Russia: Conversations With Gorbachev; Russia Betrayed?; and Widow of the Revolution.
Cohen has visited and lived in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia regularly for more than forty years.
Product details
- Publisher : Hot Books; First Edition (February 1, 2019)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 240 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1510745815
- ISBN-13 : 978-1510745810
- Item Weight : 9.5 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.6 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,001,754 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #318 in Russian & Soviet Politics
- #1,238 in National & International Security (Books)
- #1,336 in Communism & Socialism (Books)
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He is absolutely right about the demonization of President Trump, the so-called Russiagate. There is no substance there, and
it is incredibly dangerous to cripple a president's ability to conduct foreign policy.
Undermining the presidency the way it is being done will have consequences for all future presidents, and could easily spell the end of the Republic as we know it. Politics is based on trust. If there is none, it will devolve into tyranny.
He is right about the fecklessness of the media. There is very little left of independent media. Nobody challenges the dominant narratives coming out of the New York Times, the Washington Post, and all of the want to be second-tier newspapers and all of the broadcast and Internet media that pick up material from such sources.
He is right about the lack of statesmanship at the highest levels of US government. He cites only one statesman in the halls of government: Rand Paul.
He is right about the absolute lack of scruples on the careerism of the high-level functionaries in government, singling out, very appropriately, John Brennan, James Clapper, and to a lesser extent James Comey.
He is right about the fecklessness of presidents Bush, both of them, Clinton and Obama. They either had no understanding of what their subordinates were doing, or had no ability to rein them in.
I strongly disagree with most of what Cohen writes about Ukraine. While Cohen's experiences with Russia and the United States, he has never lived here. I have lived here for 12 years, the period about which he presumes to know, and his account varies quite widely from what I observed and what I have heard from my Ukrainian friends and acquaintances. Being so egregiously wrong on the subject of Ukraine calls into question his credibility on all the other points. I agree with him, but has he really done his research? Is he, as accused, being taken in by Russian propaganda? I think to some degree he is.
This is a long review because it is a complex topic and because while I agree with most of Cohen's points I feel obliged to point out the areas in which I strongly disagree. Though I agree with most of what Cohen says about Russiagate, is being wrong about the history I know as a resident of Ukraine casts a long shadow of doubt.
Cohen closes with a point: "The once venerated American journalist Walter Lippmann observed, "when all think alike, no one is thinking." This is my modest attempt to inspire more thinking." Here, for your pleasure, is some of that additional thinking – contrarian, probably fewer will agree with me than with Cohen himself.
Ukraine
In May, 2019 in a 70% landslide Ukraine elected Volodymyr Zelenski, a Jewish comedian, to be president . The election gave the lie to a great many of Cohen's points:
There is no visible anti-Semitism here in Ukraine. The Jewish Zelinski defeated the half Jewish Poroshenko in a land that has only about a 1% Jewish population.
The Right Sector, about whom Cohen goes on endlessly for the threat they supposedly pose, was not a factor whatsoever in the election. They were not visible.
Zelinski's political godfather is Igor Kholomoisky, the richest Jewish oligarch in Ukraine. There are a number of Jewish oligarchs here, all corrupt. Ukraine is more dominated by Jews than any other country in Europe, and it is also more corrupt.
Jews dominate the parliament, the Verhovna Rada. With Zelinski's election a fellow named Groysman stepped down as prime minister. The position had been held by American friend Arseny Yatsenyuk. While there may be anti-Semitic mutterings, I know of no anti-Semitic incidents, and in fact the usual observation, by goy and Jewish friends alike, is that Jews run the place.
There are no Jewish fascists. The claim of neo-Nazis running Ukraine is a total canard. Fascists went extinct in 1945. Chasing fascist will of the wisps in 2019 only detracts from Cohen's other arguments. In fact, Ukraine is only tangential to his argument. It does not belong in this book.
I recommend two pieces of traditional wisdom to Cohen:
Everybody lies – you have to be skeptical across-the-board. Putin's Russia is the true heir of the Tsars and the Soviets. They use the same political techniques, including disinformation.
Do not attribute to malice that which can be adequately explained by stupidity. President Yanukovych was dumb. Bush II and Obama not much better.
Although Cohen goes on endlessly about Ukraine, it is not central to his argument about Russiagate. He would be better off without it. Therefore, I am including most of my Ukraine commentary as comments.
I totally agree with Cohen that the conviction of Paul Manafort is a political attack. Manafort's hands were undoubtedly somewhat dirty, but everybody involved in Ukraine has dirty hands. This is especially clear about the Biden family now. They undoubtedly took far more pelf out of Ukraine then Manafort did, and yet there is nobody laying a glove on them.
It is curious to see how muted Trump's support has been for the détente with Russia. Although as a candidate He advocated and the diminished involvement of America in wars, he has backed off.
Many such as Ann Coulter have lamented that the Jewish interests finally got control of them, one factor being son-in-law Jared Kushner. Trump simply lacked an adequate outside organization to staff his administration.
Certainly others have been substantial campaign contributors such as Sheldon Adelson. Look now at Bolton and Pompeo, and look also at those he is needed, such as Lindsey Graham, who have always been are aligned with the neoconservatives. Trump could not escape the war party, and now appears to be its captive. Voices of reason – Rex Tillerson, Steve Bannon, General Flynn got rapidly pushed the sideline.
There simply Trump did not have the base required to put together an administration of people he could trust with views similar to his own and he seems to have capitulated to the pro-Jewish, and largely anti-Russian arm sentiments of those who provided his supporters. He seems to have had to give in on immigration, which is an issue that doesn't concern Cohen whatsoever, but which is a straw in the wind.
Cohen Repeatedly makes the point that international terrorism is the major danger in the world today. He says that they are a multinational force with assets usually available only to state actors. He repeatedly makes the point that Russia has suffered more from jihadist terrorism and has any other Western country. What does he mean? It cannot be Chechnya. No – he covers that separately. Aside from that, one does not remember too many incidents such as that in St. Petersburg.
Cohen repeatedly brings up the point of the anti-Russian paranoia of Brennan and Clapper. This anti-Russian paranoia has been a fixture and it has been documented that throughout this Soviet era and even going back to Custine's 1839 Letters from Russia . America should be suspicious of Russia, but just because we're suspicious doesn't mean that the suspicious are well-founded, or that America is not guilty of misdeeds similar those committed by Russia.
Cohen makes the point that Putin is truly a moderate within Russia. There are hardliners to his right who will turn on Putin if he appears to be too soft on the United States. However high his approval ratings, Putin lives in the political environment in Russia just as Trump does in the United States. Putin's room to maneuver is limited when the United States does things like the Magnitsky Act or snubs him in Syria.
Citing evidence of Ukrainian complicity in the 2016 election, he says that the Clinton campaign was collecting "black" information on Trump from officials of the US backed Ukrainian government. Just this week it comes out that Manafort source Konstantin Kilimnik was not working for Putin, but was rather a longtime CIA source. Mueller should have known as much, and he should not have been dragged in as evidence against Manafort. Or Trump.
Accusations against Russia
Cohen is absolutely right to say that the Kremlin is wrongly accused of promoting white supremacist neo-Nazi movements in the West. One that sticks in my mind is the criticism of Marine Le Pen's National front for taking loans from a Russian bank. Quite simply, the establishment closed ranks to ensure that she could not get loans from banks that are tied in with the French establishment.
Likewise, the American right has very little to do with Russia, especially the alt right. Alt-Right blogger Brittany Pettibone took a trip to Moscow and displayed incredible naïveté in her interview with Alexander Dugan, Putin's pet philosopher and author of The Fourth Political Theory . It's true she was taken in (say I), but what is obvious is that she had no background whatsoever in what was going on in Russia. The alt right has no organization, a fact that is frustrating to friends and enemies alike. Nothing much to co-opt.
Cohen discusses democracy in Russia with Gorbachev. Gorbachev said that democracy is inevitable. 30 years later, I find this an interesting statement as democracy is on the wane in the United States and Europe. What Russia has it is a democracy in form but perhaps not practice. The same can be said for Ukraine. With the increasing suppression of a free press in the United States, Great Britain and Europe one can say as much for them. All of our future may more closely resemble China, who the totalitarians or the bureaucracy have immense control.
In any case, it is disingenuous for America to call Russia antidemocratic. They do have elections, and the elections are taken seriously by the citizens and although Putin has won the last few, this does not seem to be as thoroughly foreordained as under the Communists..
The polls showing Putin to be quite popular in Russia do not seem to be manipulated, or even capable of being manipulated given the relative openness of the press. This openness may wax and wane, but Putin's popularity has stayed pretty strong for most of the 20 years he's been in power.
Cohen claims that in the Skripal case, the nonfatal poisoning of a Russian immigrant and his daughter, not only are there no facts, there is no common sense. Putin had no possible motive, certainly not on the eve of the Russian presidential election to poison relations with the West. A couple of other English people affected by the same poison a few weeks later had nothing to do with the Russians. Lastly, why would Russia use an arcane method of assassination that could surely be traced to a state actor? And why would they be unsuccessful? Other intelligence agencies use simpler means – untraceable guns or staged car accidents.
He loses me when he returns to Ukraine, claiming "The snipers who killed scores of protesters have been conclusively demonstrated to be of the right sector. The demonstrators and the right sector itself were not well enough organized pull the sort of thing off. They did not hold the high ground from which the shots were fired. They were certainly not cohesive enough to contain the secret, should anybody have known that their comrades in arms murdered 100 fellow protesters. Cohen does not need this argument and he should not make it. The bloggers that coincides as his sources are not authoritative. He should apply the same standard to them that he would ask of Russiagate sources.
Another argument he should abandon is that the Odessa Trade Unions House tragedy can be attributed to the right sector. There are a number of accounts, and a great deal of conflict among them. Wikipedia does a pretty good job of laying them out. My take is that Russia attempted to foment insurrection, as they had done in the satellite states in Eastern Europe at the end of World War II, in Transniester, and in Crimea, Donetsk, Lugansk, Kharkiv, Mariupol and other Ukrainian regions. It is right out of the Soviet playbook. The scheme involves local actors, thugs, far enough removed that Russia has plausible deniability. In this case I will grant Russia their plausible deniability. To claim to know what happened, as Cohen does, is ludicrous.
Cohen's account of the war with Georgia in 2008 is somewhat one-sided. The Russians had certainly massed in South Ossetia in anticipation of some sort of a confrontation. Nonetheless, it appears they were successful in getting Shakshavili to launch the first attack, giving Russia the moral high ground. Cohen is certainly right that the media portrayed as entirely one-sided.
Cohen's account has Joe Biden looking like a corrupt fool for his meddling in both Russia and Ukraine. Right on both counts. He is not a smart man, and he was in over his head. It is no surprise to find that he and his son were engaged in lucrative, clandestine somewhat hidden ventures in Ukraine. He does not mention the rich donations to the Clinton Foundation by Ukrainian oligarchs such as Victor Pinchuk. There is corruption on both sides of the Atlantic.
A thesis that Cohen might investigate more deeply is that Obama in particular that George Bush and Obama were not terribly strong intellects. They were in the hands of the moneyed interests behind them. As if Obama switched courses and confused Russian politics, it may be that he was simply inept and was receiving conflicting signals from his supporters. The same can be said for John Kerry. The 2004 book Unfit for Command captures the sentiment of those who were in Vietnam at the time of his swiftboat service. Hillary Clinton herself is vicious but not too bright, as highlighted in the many books that have come out on her since the 1990s. The decision to eliminate Gaddafi appears to be one of her many blunders. As usual, and as Cohen notes, she chose the Russians as a scapegoat.
Cohen repeatedly makes the point, correct, that the United States, as well as France and Germany, betrayed Russia. They went back on the promises made to Gorbachev that NATO would not expand eastward. Cohen rightly names the Council on Foreign Relations as a major culprit behind the new cold war with Russia. One can be proud of Cohen for resigning from the CFR as a matter of principle.
Stalin
Cohen gives Stalin the credit for successfully pushing the Nazis back. Other historians would say that Stalin, rather like Churchill and Hitler, hindered his military as much as helped them. It was the Soviet people, and that the course Ukrainians as well, who took the brunt of the fighting. Even with inept leadership, and sustaining huge losses, the Soviets, aided by Lend-Lease armaments from the United States, overwhelmed the Germans on the Eastern front.
Cohen is absolutely right to say "achieving elite or popular consensus about the profound traumas of the sorriest Soviet and post-Soviet pass remains exceedingly difficult, if not impossible." This is of course true in Ukraine as well.
Cohen gives Putin credit for a monument to Stalin's many victims. A word that does not appear in the book is Holodomor. The Ukrainians were singled out, even among the peoples of Russia. Moreover, it was led by Soviet Jew Lazar Kaganovich. Putin may forget; the Ukrainians do not.
Cohen does not do himself a favor when he lists climate change as one of the planet's biggest dangers. If he were to do a little investigation, he will find that the same characters or behind Russiagate, are inflating the climate change bogeyman. The science is not there. Cohen needs to turn his investigative skills toward this as well. Or, lacking such skills, he should probably simply not mention it.
Russia does not help its cause when it claims to be defending the interests of persecuted Russian speakers in Ukraine, the Baltics, and Moldavia, and Georgia. This is similar to Hitler's probably somewhat more justified claim to be protecting the ethnic Germans in the Sudetenland and in Poland, which had been taken from Germany and part of the Versailles Treaty. At any rate, the West is probably right to be suspicious of Russia's angry defense of the Russian-speaking minorities. Putin is wrong to assume that these Russian-speaking minorities have Russian sympathies. It was clearly not the case in Ukraine, as was demonstrated during the events of 2014. See my comments for more on the language issue.
Cohen's discussion of groupthink and the New York Times being on the wrong side of history, starting as early as 1920, is all true. A question that he does not address is the disproportionate number of Jewish editors and reporters in the American press in general and the New York Times in Washington Post in particular.
There was always a question as to what's in the interests of the Jews. One must remember that the Bolshevik revolution was largely a Jewish project. It served them well that New York Times be a bit disingenuous about the crimes of the Bolsheviks.
Politics makes odd bedfellows. The alt right, like Cohen, is properly skeptical. Paleoconservatives such as Pat Buchanan, Laura
Ingram, and Coulter and the like, are certainly going to be on his side. On the other hand traditional conservatives, and certainly neocons, seem to line up on the side of war – along with the so-called "liberals" – all supporting the interests of cheap labor through immigration, the defense industry, and Israel.
Cohen rightly attacks the credibility of the CIA. I recommend two books, Deceits – My 25 Years with the CIA by Ralph McGehee and Legacy of Ashes – The History of the CIA by Tim Weiner
Cohen talks about the "shock therapy" visited on Moscow by Washington in the 1990s which led to the creation of a small group of Russian billionaire oligarchs and the "globalization" of their wealth, lavishly between the United States and Russia.
As Amy Chua writes in world's on fire, most of them to emerge were Jewish. B0034PQX3Q: World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability The fact that Putin squeezed Jewish oligarchs out is not incidental to the story. One of them, American Bill Browder, has been a chief instigator of the new cold war. This reviewer naïvely gave his book "Red Notice" a five-star review. It is a well done piece, but totally one-sided.
This concludes my review of parts of the book that did not primarily deal with Ukraine. In other words, the parts that I mostly agree with. The first several comments are my notes on Ukraine, which are quite critical. Cohen doesn't know this country, and he simply does not apply a proper degree of skepticism. To sum it up, Ukraine is run by Jewish oligarchs who recently got a Jewish comedian elected as president. They are not fascists! There are no fascists here. Putin had the bad luck to have feet deal him a totally corrupt palooka in the form of Yanukovych. Cohen correctly states that Putin detested him. So did everybody here. It was truly a popular uprising that caused him to leave.
In conclusion, I give Cohen four stars for having the courage to go against his brethren in the press, especially the extremely powerful Jewish contingent on both sides of the Atlantic. He would have a strong case if he never mentioned Ukraine. It would also be vastly more accurate.
The book is a series of short essays written between 2014 and 2019. Cohen mixes history and current affairs and explains what has gone wrong with our relationship with Russia. Cohen believes that Putin does not want a war, but continually expecting him to back down is probably a mistake. We risk pushing the Russians too far. Cohen doesn’t have much respect for the political-media establishment in Washington. He considers most of the media biased and clueless. Cohen explains how the Russians view the world and the reasons why they feel let down by the U.S. He regards Putin as a soft authoritarian and points out that Putin has had 80 percent approval ratings in his own country.
Cohen maintains that American foreign policy towards Russia changed after the Soviet Union dissolved in 1991. In the 1980s, détente had been the main strategy. He claims that President Reagan viewed the Soviet Union as an equal and wanted peaceful co-existence between the two countries. Gorbachev wanted Russia to become a normal European country and hoped that all Europeans would share a “common European home.” Things changed when George H.W. Bush became president. Russia’s isolation and alienation began after the Cold War when Russia was shut-out of NATO and the EU. Bush Senior saw Russia as a defeated nation that was required to accept American hegemony. Bush Senior wanted the U.S. to be the pre-eminent power in the world. The aim was to prevent any country from dominating any region of the world that might be a springboard to threaten unipolar and exclusive U.S. dominance. This became known as the 'Wolfowitz Doctrine’ named after Paul Wolfowitz, one of the architects of the Iraq War. Instead of dismantling NATO, Clinton and Bush Junior expanded it right up to Russia's borders. Both major parties have pursued a similar foreign policy since the Soviet Union broke up.
Since Russia and China clearly reject American global hegemony, a war with both of them would appear to be inevitable given the Wolfowitz Doctrine. Professor John Mearsheimer at the University of Chicago believes that our main long-term global rival is China, not Russia. He views Russia as a declining power. Its economy is weak and its population is falling. He argues that we are returning to a world with two superpowers: America and China. America needs allies on its side. Mearsheimer argues that we have stupidly pushed Putin into China's camp.
Cohen is a life-long Democrat, however, he supported Reagan's Russian policy because it made sense and treated the Russians with respect. He is disappointed with both Clintons and Obama. Cohen observes that there is little or no mainstream political opposition in the U.S. to the hawkish policies directed at Russia. Cohen believes that pushing NATO up to the border of Russia has been a mistake and exerting further pressure could lead to war. Cohen believes that Putin and the Russian people are fed up with being pushed around. He suggests it was not Putin who caused the new cold war, but NATO expansion; U.S. and E.U. meddling in Ukraine; and the regime-change wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria. Cohen is not alone. Many people in Europe share his misgivings about America's end game. The German president, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, has described NATO military exercises on the Russian border as “saber-rattling and warmongering.”
Cohen is worried that America’s elites seem to have lost their fear of nuclear warfare as well as their sanity. During the first Cold War, the possibility of nuclear catastrophe was at the forefront of American political discourse. He believes that the Russians have a new generation of strategic nuclear weapons that can evade U.S. missile defenses. This makes war a much more dangerous option. The Russians have a large military, and they are a proud and patriotic people. The communist bloc used to act as a buffer between the two sides so that a land war would have been fought in Germany. A land war today would be fought along Russia’s borders. In a war to protect their homeland, Russia would be a formidable enemy, as the once invincible armies of Napoleon and Hitler found to their cost. Invading Russia would probably be a big mistake.
One of the consequences of Russophobia has been the demonization of Putin and the Russian people. The standard American view of Putin is that he is a sinister tyrant. Cohen has often defended Putin. "Putin is not a thug," he told CNN. "He’s not a neo-Soviet imperialist who’s trying to recreate the Soviet Union. He’s not even anti-American." Cohen characterizes Putin’s domestic polity as a “soft authoritarianism” and sees Russia as a society in transition to a better democracy. He fears that the western isolation of Russia will derail those efforts. Waiting in the wings to replace Putin are not pro-western liberal democrats – who have little support in Russia – but truly authoritarian ultra-nationalists. Hillary Clinton may have compared Putin to Hitler, but Cohen believes that Putin is moderate in Russian terms. Russia operated a police state under the Czars and communism. Cohen claims that Putin's Russia is relatively free in comparison.
Cohen doesn’t believe that Putin is attempting to subvert American democracy. The reverence with which some liberals have for today’s intelligence chiefs is in sharp contrast to previous generations who viewed the CIA and the FBI with suspicion. Cohen believes that U.S. intelligence agencies undertook an operation to damage, if not destroy, first the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump. He is scathing about Obama's CIA Director John Brennan who apparently accused Trump of treason. Cohen calls Brennan the godfather of Russiagate.
Trump has been criticized for trying to improve relations with Russia. However, he is not the first U.S. President to favor detente. It was the policy of Dwight Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan, all Republicans. Cohen points out, that at the height of the old Cold War there were many people, advocating détente with the USSR. He does not understand where those people have gone. Cohen doesn't believe playing hardball with Russia works. If the past is any guide, further economic sanctions will achieve nothing, except bolstering support for Putin at home.
Cohen has often been right in the past. He was proved correct in his assessment in the late 1980s that Gorbachev was a genuine democrat. In the 1990s, Cohen was among the first to identify that Boris Yeltsin’s corruption was doing serious damage to Russia. Cohen was prescient in observing that post-Cold War NATO expansion would revive Russian nationalism. Before the Mueller report was published he consistently dismissed Russiagate as nonsense. He did not believe that Trump had colluded with Putin.
Cohen claims that although there are people in Washington pushing us towards war, he believes that ordinary people have much more common sense. In August 2018, Gallup asked Americans what kind of policy toward Russia they favored. “Even amid the torrent of vilifying Russiagate allegations and Russophobia, 58 percent wanted “to improve relations with Russia,” as opposed to 36 percent who preferred “strong diplomatic and economic steps against Russia.”
Cohen speculates on why the political-media establishment hates Putin: "Sinister forces, greedy forces, high in our political system and in our economy, need Russia as an enemy because it’s exceedingly profitable." He argues that U.S.-Russian relations "didn’t go wrong in Moscow." They "went wrong in Washington." Cohen used to advise both George H.W. Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev, but his views are now unpopular in Washington. As Mearsheimer has explained, the Washington foreign policy establishment needs to create enemies in order to justify its existence.
Top reviews from other countries
Jeder sollte dieses Buch lesen.
The book is educational and factual and provides a particularly balanced strategic account of American double standards and EU involvement with the Ukraine, the Ukrainian response, as well as a well informed commentary on the Russian perspectives and their government's response to the situation. It especially highlights potential worries for a nuclear confrontation that were current at the time of publishing that connects well to the unfortunate escalation we are currently witnessing.
I stopped studying the Russian situation when the last cold war ended. This book provides an excellent refresher and prepares one to look at other more detailed literature about the events since. It also "averages" out the major players and key concerns in world politics in the intermediate term.
I would recommend this book strongly.
As for what is written, I think it's good to have voices such as Cohens to offer a dissenting point of view to the masses. The author's views may challenge your own pre-established world views, and whether or not you put the book down agreeing with him isnt entirely the point. What is important, to me, is looking at events from a different lens.
Did I disagree with a lot that was written? Yes, to an extent. In the opening prologue about Vladimir Putin, Cohen takes apart criticisms of the Russian president, blaming the vast majority of Russia's woes on the Yeltzin administration, the oligarchs that appeared in the 1990s and the United States, a lot of which I agree with. But what does strike me as a tad bit hypocritical is Cohen's willingness to criticise those with anti-Putin and anti-Russian views (be they rational or Russophobic), but rather than adress the issues himself he instead prefers 'to leave it to historians'.
Whilst I would hardly say I enjoyed this book, I am glad to have read it as I was looking for an opposing viewpoint than that of the vast majority of books published about contemporary Russian politics.
As for the physical copy I received, I was disappointed by the quality. It almost looks and feels used.
If you watch TV and newspapers, you will never know the real truth. Great book!
Obwohl der Autor die politische Meinung Trumps überhaupt nicht teilt, meint er, dass Trump der einzige Präsidentschaftskandidat im 2016 war, der davon gesprochen hatte, dass Amerika ein freundschaftliches Verhältnis mit Russland braucht. Dafür wird er nun „Landesverräter“ genannt und man wirft ihm vor, ein Agent Putins zu sein. Washington Post, New York Times, CNN und MSBC betreiben täglich einen Hexenjagd auf Trump, nicht weil er die Amerikanischen Schulen oder die Natur kaputtmacht, nicht weil er die Steuern für die Reichen wieder senkt oder Saudi Arabien und Israel unterstützt, sondern weil er Frieden mit Russland will.
Wollen die Amerikaner den nuklearen Krieg?







