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White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide Hardcover – May 31, 2016
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National Book Critics Circle Award Winner
New York Times Bestseller
A New York Times Notable Book of the Year
A Washington Post Notable Nonfiction Book of the Year
A Boston Globe Best Book of 2016
A Chicago Review of Books Best Nonfiction Book of 2016
From the Civil War to our combustible present, acclaimed historian Carol Anderson reframes our continuing conversation about race, chronicling the powerful forces opposed to black progress in America.
As Ferguson, Missouri, erupted in August 2014, and media commentators across the ideological spectrum referred to the angry response of African Americans as “black rage,” historian Carol Anderson wrote a remarkable op-ed in The Washington Post suggesting that this was, instead, "white rage at work. With so much attention on the flames," she argued, "everyone had ignored the kindling."
Since 1865 and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, every time African Americans have made advances towards full participation in our democracy, white reaction has fueled a deliberate and relentless rollback of their gains. The end of the Civil War and Reconstruction was greeted with the Black Codes and Jim Crow; the Supreme Court's landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision was met with the shutting down of public schools throughout the South while taxpayer dollars financed segregated white private schools; the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 triggered a coded but powerful response, the so-called Southern Strategy and the War on Drugs that disenfranchised millions of African Americans while propelling presidents Nixon and Reagan into the White House, and then the election of America's first black President, led to the expression of white rage that has been as relentless as it has been brutal.
Carefully linking these and other historical flashpoints when social progress for African Americans was countered by deliberate and cleverly crafted opposition, Anderson pulls back the veil that has long covered actions made in the name of protecting democracy, fiscal responsibility, or protection against fraud, rendering visible the long lineage of white rage. Compelling and dramatic in the unimpeachable history it relates, White Rage will add an important new dimension to the national conversation about race in America.
"[A] slim but persuasive volume . . . A sobering primer on the myriad ways African American resilience and triumph over enslavement, Jim Crow and intolerance have been relentlessly defied by the very institutions entrusted to uphold our democracy." - Washington Post
"White Rage is a riveting and disturbing history that begins with Reconstruction and lays bare the efforts of whites in the South and North alike to prevent emancipated black people from achieving economic independence, civil and political rights, personal safety, and economic opportunity." - The Nation
"[White Rage] is an extraordinarily timely and urgent call to confront the legacy of structural racism bequeathed by white anger and resentment, and to show its continuing threat to the promise of American democracy." - Editor's Choice, New York Times Book Review
"I’ve read a fair bit of African-American history, but White Rage, by Carol Anderson, which is beautifully written and exhaustively researched, illuminated for me just how deliberately education policy in the United States disenfranchised African-Americans." - Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, bestselling author of AMERICANAH and HALF OF A YELLOW SUN
"An unflinching look at America's long history of structural and institutionalized racism, White Rage is a timely and necessary examination of white anger and aggression towards black America . . . A compelling look at American history, White Rage has never seemed more relevant than it does today." - Bustle, “17 Books On Race Every White Person Needs To Read”
"White Rage belongs in a place of honor on the shelf next to other seminal books about the African-American experience such as James Baldwin's The Fire Next Time, Isabel Wilkerson's The Warmth of Other Suns, and Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow." - Santa Barbara Independent
"A really insightful book about the effects and backlash that have followed the passage of landmark civil rights legislation throughout our nation’s history. It serves as both a description and predictor of the political movements that are likely to happen the next time our nation passes such major legislation." - Tammy Duckworth, New York Times Book Review “By The Book”
"[A] powerful survey of American history as seen in the violent white reactions to black progress, from Reconstruction to the great migration to the current political landscape." - Boston Globe
"Anderson has shown, with her well-sourced (she has several hundred detailed footnotes) and readable book, why the fights over race and access to the perquisites of American citizenship grind on . . . White Rage lends perspective and insight for those of us who are willing to confront, study and learn from the present situation in this country." - St. Louis Dispatch
"Two steps forward, one step back: White Rage deftly crafts the pattern of how White backlash has always countered African American progress." - ZORA, The 100 greatest books ever written by African American women
"White Rage is a harrowing account of our national history during the century and a half since the Civil War--even more troubling for what it exposes about our present, our deep and abiding racial divide. This is necessary reading for anyone interested in understanding--and perfecting--our union." - Natasha Trethewey, Winner of the Pulitzer Prize for NATIVE GUARD and Two-term Poet Laureate of the United States
"Anderson’s keen analysis presents a powerful portrait of white rage and entitlement--two shameful forces that continue to characterize our national conversation about race." - Esquire, “If You Want to Learn About Anti-Racism, These 10 Books Are a Start”
"Riveting" - Michael Eric Dyson, author of TEARS WE CANNOT STOP, for the New York Times “By the Book”
"Brilliant" - Robin DiAngelo, author of WHITE FRAGILITY, for the Amazon Book Review
"Anderson lays out a troubling yet persistent pattern in American history that started during Reconstruction. For every advancement achieved by African Americans, there is an unequal and ferociously opposite reaction. . . . Anderson’s book lays out the horrific story." - Jonathan Capehart, Washington Post
"One (of many) essential history books that helps unearth some of the truths about racism in this country and how all white people have benefited from it. It inspires the reader to continue to educate themselves on how to be a better and more informed ally." - Theo Germaine, Chicago Review of Books
"In every episode of White Rage Anderson amplifies and elongates this initial claim [white America’s seething resistance to African Americans’ sociopolitical advancements] into a striking argument about the nation’s failure to recognize African Americans as full members the citizenry. Though stretching a stand-alone essay into an extended study doesn’t work very often, White Rage operates efficiently and elegantly, offering readers new intelligence about American experience. Following Anderson, one gains insight by accrual." - Lit Hub
"Professor Carol Anderson’s recent book White Rage is a tragic, yet invaluable contribution to our understanding of race relations throughout American history." - Medium, “We Need to Talk About Systemic Racism"
"It's shocking, beautifully written, and, with white supremacy knocking on the White House door, more important than ever. Some books are great, some books are essential. White Rage is the latter." - Ed Yong, The Millions
"Truly, I couldn't put it down. [White Rage] draws a razor-sharp line from the Civil War to Trayvon Martin with all the stops in between. If you want context for . . . the life we're living in this country right this minute, I urge you to pick up a copy. [Its] 160 pages have the power to change your life." - Ann Patchett, Parnassus Musing
"Powerful . . . Like a meticulous prosecutor assembling her case, Anderson lays out a profoundly upsetting vision of an America driven to waves of reactionary white anger whenever it’s confronted with black achievement." - Bookforum
"There is [a] book that I think we all need to read and read again: Carol Anderson’s White Rage. It so plainly shows us that whenever African Americans started to make any strides (in education, voting, employment, home ownership), those gains were a threat to the status quo of inequality--those strides sparked incredibly intense and well-organized blowback--all of which leads me to appreciate just how insidious and persistent racial hatred is in the U.S. We have to get smarter, bystanders … we need your help, it is not enough to proclaim that you’re not racist, we need your help." - Michelle Williams, Dean of the Faculty, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and Angelopoulos Professor in Public Health and International Development
"Bracing . . . It might all seem very conspiratorial and cloak-and-dagger, were it not also true. Reading through all the frightfully inventive ways in which America makes racial inequality a matter of law (and order) has a dizzying effect: like watching a quick-cut montage of social injustice spanning nearly half a millennium." - The Globe and Mail
"[F]or readers who want to understand the sense of grievance and pain that many African Americans feel today, White Rage offers a clearly written and well-thought-out overview of an aspect of U.S. history with which the country is still struggling to come to terms." - Foreign Affairs
"Prescient . . . provides necessary perspective on the racial conflagrations in the U.S." - Kirkus Reviews
"Anderson’s mosaic of white outrage deserves contemplation by anyone interested in understanding U.S. race relations, past and present." - Library Journal
"[An] engaging, thought-provoking work . . . Anderson’s clear, ardent prose detailing the undermining of America’s stated ideals and democratic norms is required reading for anyone interested in the state of American social discourse." - Booklist
"Few historians write with the grace, clarity, and intellectual verve Carol Anderson summons in this book. We are tethered to history, and with White Rage, Anderson adeptly highlights both that past and the tenacious grip race holds on the present. There is a handful of writers whose work I consider indispensable. Professor Anderson is high up on that list." - William Jelani Cobb, author of THE SUBSTANCE OF HOPE
"To overcome our racial history, Americans must first learn our racial history--as it truly and painfully happened. This powerful book is the place to start." - David Von Drehle, author of RISE TO GREATNESS: ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND AMERICA'S MOST PERILOUS YEAR
"Anderson's book compellingly recenters America's racial narrative on the propulsive power of white fury. The sentiments she traces, and the force they carry, don't just explain our political past; they also reveal our political present." - The Week, Ezra Klein’s 6 Favorite Books
"A short, simple history about the racial divide in America--but really approachable." - Tim Wise, “Good Morning America”
"I highly recommend reading . . . Carol Anderson’s White Rage to help white people understand their place in the reproduction of racism and how to fight it." - The Bakersfield Californian
About the Author
- Publisher : Bloomsbury USA; First Dutch Edition (May 31, 2016)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 256 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1632864126
- ISBN-13 : 978-1632864123
- Item Weight : 1.15 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 0.85 x 9.55 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #358,827 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,165 in Native American History (Books)
- #1,535 in Discrimination & Racism
- #1,543 in History & Theory of Politics
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About the author
Reviewed in the United States on July 13, 2018
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The five movements pairs are, 1) end of slavery and reconstruction with the backlash to reconstruction and ‘redemption’. 2) The great migration pairs with the (White) race riots of the late 1910s and early 1920s. 3) Brown v Board with the anti-integration movement. 4) Affirmative action and the anti-affirmative action policies. 5) Obama’s election and the movement toward voting restrictions. These are not definitive for all of the examples of White Rage in US history but emblematic. And like what Jemar Tisby pointed out in Color of Compromise, each one was less overt and more subtle than the last, but still rooted in racism.
One of the aspect that keeps coming up in histories of reconstruction and the Jim Crow era is the relationship of arguments around states rights and racism. I know many people that are ideologically oriented toward Libertarianism at some level. I am unaware of any of these people adopting these political ideologies because of racism. But I also do not think that many Libertarians or small government advocates understand the racial history of Libertarianism or small government policies. Obviously, there has been plenty of racist results from national government policy as well. But part of grappling with history, has to be grappling with how different policy orientations have been misused to oppress. And while that does not mean that Libertarianism or small government, pro-business political orientations cannot be advocated, it does mean that there needs to be particular attention paid to how those political orientations and specific polities can uphold racism.
As is detailed throughout the book, even when the federal government was interested in protecting Black civil rights (which it often was not) courts or local government officials often actively worked against the federal government. In the Reconstruction era, the courts routinely ruled that the 13-15th Amendments could not be applied to the state or local government, or if they were, the federal government did not have the authority to intervene. In other words, if a local or state government violated a Black person’s right to vote, the federal government, even in a federal election, could not act to protect that right to vote. The person who’s rights were violated could only appeal to the very same government that had violate his rights (this was before women’s right to vote, so it was always his rights being violated.) It wasn’t until the Voting Rights Act, which has been significantly restricted in recent court rulings, that federal law was applied to enforce not just the right to vote, but the action of voting.
Already by the mid 1870s, charges of what is now commonly referred to as ‘reverse racism’ started to sweep through the courts. From the 1877 Hall v DeCuir which ruled that states could not prohibit racial segregation, then a series of cases in 1880 that allowed for constitutional exclusion of Blacks from juries to the final nail of Plessy v Ferguson in 1896, which effectively eliminated 14th Amendment protections, the roll back of Black rights happened because of either courts, or the unwillingness of federal government to actually enforce rights in the face of White backlash.
Later rulings allowed for open discrimination against not just Blacks, but poor Whites as well. As had been common throughout the Jim Crow era, in 1942, in the seven states that had poll tax requirements, only 3 percent of the potential electorate voted in federal Senate or House elections.
The Jim Crow era of the south gave rise to the great migration where huge numbers of Black southerners moved north, often secretly, and abandoning property because of laws preventing people from moving, taking new jobs, or trumped up ‘debts’ from sharecropping. Jobs in the north paid much better. Blacks working in auto plants of Detroit could make $5 an hour, meaning workers in Detroit could make as much in a day as sharecroppers often made in two months.
But the large numbers of Black migrants gave rise to another episode of White Rage, the race riots of the late 1910s and early 1920s. These were not Black riots or protests, but riots, often with police support, or at least no police opposition, where Whites were attempting to push Blacks out of an area. There are multiple examples, both North and South where there was complete exile of all Black residents from a particular areas. Other examples did not push Black residents out of a community, but did commit wide spread destruction of black owned property and businesses.
The rage was far from just the south. Detroit had an estimated 35,000 members of the KKK in 1925 when Dr Ossian Sweet bought a home in a White neighborhood and a mob of about 1000 people confronted the well armed Black men that were there to protect the Sweet family. One White neighbor died and Dr Sweet, his wife Gladys, and 9 other Black men were charged with premeditated murder. In a rare case, the first trial resulted in in a hung jury. A second trial, of just Dr Sweet, had a clear not guilty verdict. But Gladys and their two year old daughter died a few months later from Tuberculosis contracted while in jail and Dr Sweet committed suicide years later after a difficult life. (Oregon had the largest KKK organization in the 1920s west of the Mississippi, which included Walter Pierce, the government of Oregon, who was a US Representative for 10 years following his term as governor.)
The third major backlash came about after the desegregation of schools. I had not realized how early the court cases that lead up to Brown v Board started (1935). The backlash was significant. Not mentioned in White Rage, but Randall Balmer suggests that desegregation was the real cause that started the religious right. I have not read Balmer’s longer version of the argument, but he certainly has a point that it was a contributing factor. Multiple states had not integrated a single school 10 years after Brown v Board. And there were districts into the 1970s that were still dragging their feet to comply with the initial court order. The rise of segregation academies and the withdrawal of educational opportunities from black students completely (Prince George County completely shut down their school system for 5 years, providing alternate education opportunities to White, but not Black students.)
One parent quoted in White Rage suggested that he would rather is children die than attend an integrated school. This is certainly an extreme, but it does show that the rage was real. And the state of school integration today shows that still, most White parents continue to work to keep their students in predominately White schools. Anderson rightly notes that the lack of investment in education for Black and other minority students harms the US economy. Even in the 1950s there were signs of the need for increasing education and the eventual decline of good paying jobs for low skill workers (especially factory jobs.) By the 1970s when legal resistance to integration was fading, the decline in factory jobs was significant. But students like those in Prince George County had had their education significantly impacted and likely had life long impact from the backlash to courts upholding the right to a good education.
I was completely unaware of the campaign to shut down the NAACP because of their work on Brown v Board. Several states passed laws requiring the NAACP to publicly disclose membership lists, Georgia inappropriately refused to recognize their non-profit status and demanded back taxes and arrested leadership, and others state went on a propaganda campaign asserting that Brown was the result of communist legal or social science thinking and their resistance to Brown was part of a patriotic fight against communism, using rhetoric of conspiracy theories built on previous red scare hearings at the federal level. Many of the local or state chapters of the NAACP were unable to operate throughout the Civil Rights era in southern states because of ideological targeting by southern government officials or community leaders, unconstitutionally restricting their freedom to speech and rights to organize.
The reaction against school segregation and the rise of Affirmative Action cannot really be separated from the Reagan revolution and the later Gingrich and then Teaparty movements. A feature of the these later movements is the ‘color blind’ approach that disproportionally impacted minority communities. Reagan slashed social programs and government employment in the name of financial responsibility, but minority citizens relied on those social safety net programs at higher rates because of historic discrimination and federal employments disproportionately employed minorities because of stronger civil rights rules for hiring. Also cuts to education funding and direct funding to colleges and student funding also reduced Black college enrollment at a time when college enrollment was increasingly important to long term job security. In relation to White wealth and income, there was a significant increase of both Black wealth and income in the 1960s, with a peak in the 1970s, but by the 1980s the wealth, income, and employments gaps between Whites and Blacks was roughly back to the 1950s levels and with some movement, have not really significantly improved since that point.
But there are also specifically policies like, the Iran Contra connections to encouraging the drug trade into Black communities and then the corresponding criminal justice disparities that really have significantly impacted not only the Black community over the past 40 years, but also impacted the immigration debate over the same period because of the US involvement in destabilizing Central and South American countries which has impacted the drug trade, immigration, violence and the government corruption. Within three year of the start of the project that came to be known as Iran Contra, the flow of illegal drugs into the US had grown 50%, US weapons flowed into rebel or governmental groups (depending on the country) and drug cartels. And Whites largely blamed Black and Hispanic communities for increases in drugs, gangs, violence, and turned their backs on those fleeing the violence of Central and South America, instead of blaming federal policy.
The last movement, the attempts to restrict voting access after the election of Obama is continuing today. Courts have repeatedly revoked voting restrictions, in part because of evidence of overt targeting of minority access as in the North Carolina. The language of the voting restrictions never mentions race, but only ‘voting integrity’ or safety. The laws target a particularly type of voting safety, which has almost no real world examples, while ignoring areas of actual voting safety, like voting machine irregularity or mail in ballots that, again in North Carolina, resulted in election irregularities.
The framing of White Rage, focusing not on the Black gains, but the White resistance to Black political gains, matters to how we think about racial issues in politics. Ta’Nehisi Coates framing of Trump as the first ‘White President’ in his last major Atlantic article uses similar framing to think about Trump as an explicit response to Obama’s previous election.
There are places to argue with Anderson about individual interpretations of events. But I do think that the overall message is hard to argue with.
The author was prompted to write this book by the usual framing in terms of black rage of discussions of police shootings of several unarmed black men. She had the epiphany that what was really at work was white rage, which didn’t have to wear sheets, burn crosses, or take to the streets. It achieved its ends far more effectively by working the halls of power, including the courts, the legislatures, and government bureaucracies. The trigger for this white rage, inevitably, was black advancement, which was resented on its own accord but also viewed as a threat to white privilege. The book begins with a brief discussion of the divisions over slavery leading to the Civil War and a somewhat more detailed discussion of the hundred year Jim Crow era after the Civil War.
Soon after the Civil War, efforts to reconstruct the South with governments that included and rehabilitated former slaves collapsed entirely. The Jim Crow era began when President Andrew Johnson blocked many provisions to help former slaves and pardoned leaders of the old Confederacy so they could be reinstated to run state governments as they pleased. The Supreme Court ruled that the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments ending slavery could not be enforced by the federal government but only by the states that had just fought a war to defend slavery. Hence, white supremacy was reestablished along with a system of share-cropping very similar to slavery that provided black subordination for a system of cheap, exploitable, rightless labor.
In this system, blacks couldn’t hold any other employment besides laborer or domestic and were banned from hunting and fishing. They were forbidden to seek better wages and working conditions with another employer. If they left the plantation, lumber camp, or mine, they would be jailed and auctioned off, with their labor sold to the highest bidder. The penalty for defiance, insulting gestures, and other undesired behavior was a no-holds-barred whipping. Civil rights like voting, serving on juries, and equal education were blocked by legal or other means. These means included descent into an orgy of anti-black violence of vigilante raids by the KKK, massacres, and thousands of lynchings. Even as late as 1944, only 5% of age-eligible African-American voters were registered to vote in the old Confederacy.
During World Wars I and II, the shortage of labor in the North led to the first and second great migrations of blacks from the South to the North. Southern whites resisted this threat to the foundation of their economy by arresting participating blacks, imprisoning recruiting agents from the North, shutting down papers advertising northern jobs, and stopping north-bound trains. Nevertheless, large numbers of blacks managed to flee to the North only to step into a new articulation of seething, corrosive hatred. From 1917 into the 1920s race riots, which were rampages of whites against blacks, occurred in many cities from white’s fears about jobs and housing.
The Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision of 1954, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were parts of the campaign to end the hundred year Jim Crow system of pervasive racist segregation, blatantly unequal education, restricted employment, judicial abuse, and voter suppression of African-Americans in the South. Southern Whites responded to this campaign with rage and intense resistance by mobs, police departments, and leading politicians at all levels of government. In 1956, 101 members of congress, all from states of the old Confederacy, signed the Southern manifesto in defiance of the Supreme Court. Public schools were shut down and their funding diverted to vouchers for segregationist private schools. A multitude of defiant state and local laws and police and mob violence led to massive clashes and unpunished murder against civil rights advocates, and eventually the assassination of leaders, such as Medgar Evers and Martin Luther King Jr.
Within about a decade, this overt racism mostly gave way to still pervasive covert racism that relied on implicit (dog whistle) rather than explicit terms to support racist policies, including voter suppression. This transition was reflected in Nixon’s cynical Southern Strategy to capture votes influenced by racism. As his chief advisor John Ehrlichman explained, the point was to present a position on crime, education, or public housing in such a way that a voter could “avoid admitting to himself that he was attracted by a racist appeal.” Most southern politicians quickly embraced these ideas while rejecting the civil rights laws and Great Society of the Democrats. Consequently, the formerly solidly democratic South became solidly Republican instead. In addition, Nixon managed to name four justices to the Supreme Court who supported this agenda, despite the rejection of two of his nominees for previous segregationist activity.
Thus the stage was set for the Regan administration to continue the reversal of the earlier civil rights gains. Fears that African-American’s gains could come only at white’s expense were shamelessly exploited with code words like “welfare queens, reverse discrimination, and affirmative action.” This was done to elicit support for cutting taxes by gutting the safety net and for consolidating Republican control by limiting civil rights protections, including for minority voting. The Great Society and civil rights laws had been developed to ameliorate hundreds of years of violent and corrosive repression that resulted in up to $24 trillion in multigenerational African-American devastation from lost wages, stolen land, educational impoverishment, and housing inequalities. Yet, this uncontestable history was callously disregarded to present the claim that it was actually the much better off whites who were the victims because of government handouts to lazy blacks.
The Voting Rights Act of 1964 hampered some of the usual techniques for voter suppression like poll taxes, literacy tests, and understanding clauses, but many other forms of voter suppression remained. A relatively recent innovation, particularly after the election of an African-American president in 2008, was the requirement for government-issued photo IDs. (197 million federal votes from 2002 to 2005 resulted in only 26 convictions for voter registration fraud.) These requirements prey on structural difficulties, some imposed by cynical Republican governments, for impoverished minorities to obtain photo IDs. Reportedly, roughly 25% of black, 16% of Latino, and only 8% of white voters are without a current, government-issued ID. The 2013 Supreme Court decision that gutted the Voting Rights Act undermined challenges to this kind of voter suppression.
Despite all of this, the key to voter suppression remains the severe socio-economic disadvantage of African-Americans as a result of the devastating residue of centuries of slavery and Jim Crow and of growing inequality enhanced by voter suppression. Those in power use congressional redistricting to minimize minority representation. They limit the locations and hours of voting stations so minorities must miss work, travel long distances, and wait in long lines to vote. They send mass mailings to minority neighborhoods and remove names from the rolls when return to sender cards came back. (This technique resulted in removal of 180,000 names in Florida in 2012, of which only 85 were found to be correctly identified.) They create requirements for W2 forms, bank statements, and utility bills that are difficult for minorities who are unemployed, less likely to have bank accounts, and who live in multigenerational housing.
In another book, global economist Branko Milanovic, who studies inequality, regards this kind of voter suppression as a major tool of the plutocrats entrenched at the top of US government to facilitate the growing inequality that benefits them. He points out that the overlapping influence of race and class has resulted in the overwhelming difference in voting of 80% for the top decile and only 40% for the lowest decile. As the author of this book pointed out, conservative activist Paul Weyrich, whose ALEC drafted model voter-ID legislation, said, “I don’t want everybody to vote. (GOP) leverage in the elections quite candidly goes up as the voting populace goes down.”
Top reviews from other countries
If you want a clear picture of White Political oppression based on classic divide and rule tactics this book describes it and defines it clearly. By Defining the outcomes of the US Civil war and the supposed reconstruction methods used to supposedly alleviate Black oppression, the book describes the ongoing modus operandi of White political mechanics, essentially racist and divisive that pervades both Northern and Southern States. Without being Rabid , Moralising or being inflammatory the Author sets out the case and defines a clear line from then till now.
There is no clear answers at the end of the process, and the author in one sense feels that the line of White Racism will continue regardless with Trump being the latest incumbent to promote it. However it does speak out against this all pervasive and destructive force endemic to US culture, with a clear voice for White people to hear if they want to listen.
Excellent read, whatever your convictions.