I’ll admit that there was some uncertainty before reading the book as to whether I might call myself a socialist or not. I have not traditionally labeled myself as such, although I support left-leaning candidates like Bernie Sanders and generally subscribe to liberal policies.
It’s true, as Robinson points out, that it is only the left that seems to have any solutions. When you’re ideologically wedded to the market—as the right is—and it is the market that is creating the problems in the first place, you can have no possible solutions to offer. Cutting taxes and deregulation is just going to make matters worse, but you can’t admit that because that is the foundation of your political philosophy.
So if we’re going to do anything to solve our social and political problems, we by necessity have to look to the left. The left, at a minimum, does not cripple itself by limiting its own funding and ability to provide useful services and programs. But is socialism, specifically, the answer?
The answer depends on how you define socialism, and definitions are tricky. Not only is socialism intrinsically difficult to define, but it also has a host of negative historical connotations to battle against. When the average person hears the word socialism, the Soviet-style variety is unfortunately what comes to mind. While the difference between Stalinism and guaranteed healthcare should be obvious, some people simply can’t shake the Soviet connection. In the end, whether or not you would call yourself a socialist is largely a matter of how you might define the term. (Although it raises the question of why you would want to stubbornly cling to a term with that kind of historical baggage.)
Ironically, this book has ultimately confirmed that I will not be calling myself a socialist, based on how Robinson defines the term and on its historical baggage. In Robinson’s own words: “Personally, I consider myself both a radical and a pragmatist. I think there should be no borders, no prisons, and no bosses. That makes me a utopian socialist.” Elsewhere, he writes that “in the long term I’d like to live in a stateless society in which the means of production are democratically controlled.”
Well, at least you know what you are dealing with. While I agree with Robinson’s diagnosis of the major social and economic problems, and with his critique of conservatism, and with his vision of a more equitable society, I am far less confident that I would want to live in a society with no state, no borders, and no prisons. He has apparently more confidence than I do in my ability to predict what a world like that would actually be like. I work under the assumption that imagination and reality do not always perfectly correlate, and what you think you want does not always materialize in the way you might think. This becomes more of a problem the further you move away from the current state of affairs.
I do, however, share Robinson’s belief that political problems can be solved, and that the world can be made to be a more fair and equitable place. We might both agree on things like universal healthcare and education, and that progressive taxation can reduce economic and political inequality. We are probably both in favor of getting money out of politics and that the free market is inefficient in all the ways that matter most.
But where we disagree seems to be at the critical juncture where socialism turns into progressivism. In line with Karl Popper’s “piecemeal social engineering,” and with Joseph Stiglitz’s version of progressive capitalism, I would much prefer incremental reform to a complete overhaul of the system.
The law of unintended consequences is highly relevant here, and in addition, we already know that capitalism can create high levels of growth and wealth and a variety of goods and services to match a variety of preferences. It seems both more realistic and less risky to leverage the better aspects of capitalism in a mixed economy where the wealth that is created is redistributed in a more equitable manner, not unlike the Nordic countries of today. The thing is, you can agree with all of Robinson’s policy recommendations (universal healthcare and education, more robust worker rights, etc.) without also thinking that we should one day live in a stateless society or completely upend the system we have. But maybe that’s what makes socialism different from progressivism, and if so, then I have renewed confidence in calling myself a progressive.
Despite Robinson’s radical positions, the book is certainly worth the read. He correctly outlines the problems, makes a strong moral case for taking action, suggests effective policy recommendations, and delivers strong critiques of the competing political ideologies. But his insistence on the necessity of a utopian vision, and his overconfidence in knowing what drastic changes would or would not be preferable upon implementation make this book unlikely to convert many people over to radical socialism. This book may very well convert people over to the left—which I think it should—but it will likely stop far short of the stateless society that he thinks he wants.
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