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A World on Fire: Britain's Crucial Role in the American Civil War Hardcover – Deckle Edge, June 28, 2011
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10 BEST BOOKS • THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW • 2011
NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY
The Washington Post • The New Yorker • Chicago Tribune • The Economist • Nancy Pearl, NPR • Bloomberg.com • Library Journal • Publishers Weekly
Acclaimed historian Amanda Foreman follows the phenomenal success of her New York Times bestseller Georgiana: Duchess of Devonshire with her long-awaited second work of nonfiction: the fascinating story of the American Civil War and the major role played by Britain and its citizens in that epic struggle.
Even before the first rumblings of secession shook the halls of Congress, British involvement in the coming schism was inevitable. Britain was dependent on the South for cotton, and in turn the Confederacy relied almost exclusively on Britain for guns, bullets, and ships. The Union sought to block any diplomacy between the two and consistently teetered on the brink of war with Britain. For four years the complex web of relationships between the countries led to defeats and victories both minute and history-making. In A World on Fire, Amanda Foreman examines the fraught relations from multiple angles while she introduces characters both humble and grand, bringing them to vivid life over the course of her sweeping and brilliant narrative.
Between 1861 and 1865, thousands of British citizens volunteered for service on both sides of the Civil War. From the first cannon blasts on Fort Sumter to Lee’s surrender at Appomattox, they served as officers and infantrymen, sailors and nurses, blockade runners and spies. Through personal letters, diaries, and journals, Foreman has woven together their experiences to form a panoramic yet intimate view of the war on the front lines, in the prison camps, and in the great cities of both the Union and the Confederacy. Through the eyes of these brave volunteers we see the details of the struggle for life and the great and powerful forces that threatened to demolish a nation.
In the drawing rooms of London and the offices of Washington, on muddy fields and aboard packed ships, Foreman reveals the decisions made, the beliefs held and contested, and the personal triumphs and sacrifices that ultimately led to the reunification of America. A World on Fire is a complex and groundbreaking work that will surely cement Amanda Foreman’s position as one of the most influential historians of our time.
- Print length1008 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherRandom House
- Publication dateJune 28, 2011
- Dimensions6.66 x 2.12 x 9.58 inches
- ISBN-10037550494X
- ISBN-13978-0375504945
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Photographs from A World on Fire
Click on the photos below to enlarge.
The trenches at Petersberg, Virginia, 1865 Confederate President Jefferson Davis, 1808-1889 Victory Parade of the U.S. Army, Washington, D.C. May 24, 1865 Richard Bickerton Pemell Lyons, 2nd Lord Lyons 1817-1887
Review
The Economist, The New York Times, The New Yorker, The St Louis Post-Dispatch, Publishers Weekly and Library Journal all list A World on Fire as one of the best books of 2011!
"Ms. Foreman...is such an engaging writer that readers may find this 958-page volume too short."—Michael Burlingame, The Wall Street Journal
"Extraordinary cast....Thoroughly researched and well written...Remarkable."—Geoffrey Wheatcroft, The New York Times Book Review
"One puts down A World on Fire with a sense of awe. Foreman's skills as historian and writer are formidable."—The Boston Globe
"Foreman's descriptive gifts show especially well in bringing vividly to life the political and diplomatic worlds of Washington and London...A brief review can only hint at the expansive scope, rich detail and pulsing energy of A World on Fire."—The Washington Post
"[A] magisterial history."—Newsweek
"So expansive in its scope, and so well written...to call it a masterpiece somehow doesn't seem to do it justice."—Christian Science Monitor
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The Uneasy Cousins
Britain and America-Divisions over slavery-Lord Palmerston-Uncle Tom's Cabin and the Stafford House Address-Charles Dickens's disappointment-The caning of Charles Sumner
For seventy-five years after the War of Independence, the British approach to dealing with the Americans had boiled down to one simple tactic: to be "very civil, very firm, and to go our own way."1 During the late 1850s, the prevailing view in London was that Washington could not be trusted. "These Yankees are most disagreeable Fellows to have to do anything about any American Question," the prime minister, Lord Palmerston, had complained in 1857 to Lord Clarendon, his foreign secretary, fourteen months before Lord Lyons's arrival in America. "They are on the Spot, strong . . . totally unscrupulous and dishonest and determined somehow or other to carry their Point."2 It went without saying that the Foreign Office expected Lyons to be on guard against any American chicanery.
One of the legacies of the War of 1812 was a British fear that the United States might try to annex British North America (as Canada was then known), accompanied by a conviction among Americans that they should never stop trying. It was neither forgiven nor forgotten in England that precious ships and men had had to be diverted from the desperate war against Napoleon Bonaparte in order to defend Canada from three invasion attempts by the United States between 1812 and 1814. London regarded the burning of Washington and the White House by British soldiers in August 1814 as a well-deserved retribution for the sacking of York (later called Toronto) by American troops.
Lyons soon discovered, as had each of his predecessors, that the War of 1812 had not only an entirely different meaning in the United States, but also a different outcome. In American histories, Britain had provoked the war by her arrogant and unreasonable behavior, first, by blockading all ports under Napoleonic rule, thereby stifling American trade, and second, by boarding American ships in search of deserters from the Royal Navy. The practice of "impressing" American sailors* into the navy was considered beyond the pale, especially when it took place off the coast of Virginia.3 Despite furious protests from Washington, the number of American citizens wrongly impressed had steadily increased over the years, and by 1812 the tally had reached over six thousand. But when the U.S. Congress declared war on June 8, 1812, it was to stop a practice that had already been disavowed by the English; just two days earlier, in London, the British government had agreed to stop impressment-too late to affect the outcome of the debates in Washington.
The peace treaty signed by Britain and America in 1814, the Treaty of Ghent, was based on the assumption that the war had been a draw since no territory was lost or gained by either side. However, news of the treaty had not yet reached the British and American armies facing each other in New Orleans, and a battle still took place on January 26. Though a small engagement compared to the great battles unfolding in Europe, it was a decisive American victory. General Andrew Jackson's force of four thousand men managed to defeat a British expedition almost three times its size. The fact that this stunning victory occurred after peace had been declared was later brushed aside in the telling. Two great American myths were born: that Andrew Jackson won the war, and that he had not only put the British in their place, but also crushed the army that had defeated Napoleon.
The failure of the United States to conquer Canada during the war had come as a great surprise to many Americans. Former president Thomas Jefferson wrote to a colleague in August 1812, "The acquisition of Canada this year, as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of marching, and will give us experience for the attack of Halifax the next, and the final expulsion of England from the American continent."4 Over the next few decades, politicians often expressed their desire to expel England from the "American continent." When small local rebellions broke out in Quebec and Toronto in 1837, it came as no surprise to the British to learn that President Martin Van Buren had ostentatiously invoked international law and declared U.S. neutrality, or that American sympathizers were providing arms and volunteers to the rebels. By announcing "neutrality," Van Buren elevated the uprising of a few hundred Canadians to the standard applied to an international war, giving hope to Americans who believed that a Canada free from British "shackles" would want to join the Union.5
That the original thirteen states would increase in number over the years had never been in doubt, but whether these new states would allow slavery was a question that had troubled Americans from the beginning. When the first Constitutional Convention met in Philadelphia in 1787, five of the thirteen*-Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut-had abolished slavery, and eight-New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia-had not. There had been slaves in America since 1619-one year before the arrival of the Mayflower. And at the time of independence, one in five of the 4 million ex-colonists were black. The Convention agreed on a compromise, the first of many that would be tried until the Civil War. Slavery was left alone, but the slave trade was given a twenty-one-year time limit. After 1808, the importation of slaves was to be banned.
The invention in 1793 of Eli Whitney's cotton gin (which separated the tough cotton fibers from their seeds, saving many hours of manual labor), however, meant that slavery not only continued but also even flourished in the Southern states. The demand for cotton by England's textile mills was apparently inexhaustible and within two years after Whitney's gin arrived in the South, shipments of cotton across the Atlantic had increased from roughly 130,000 pounds a year to more than 1.5 million. The rise of cotton over rice, tobacco, or corn as the primary Southern crop coincided with the government's acquisition of the Louisiana territories from the French in 1803. The United States doubled in size as a result of the Louisiana Purchase, opening up to development and potential statehood more than 820,000 square miles from the Gulf of Mexico to the Canadian border. Instead of dying out, as some of the original framers of the Constitution had hoped, slavery was spreading north and west.
By 1819 the thirteen states had become twenty-two, evenly split between free and slave states. But in 1819 the territory of Missouri applied to join the Union, and the balance was suddenly upset. Missouri straddled the implied boundary established by the Mason- Dixon Line; both the Northern and Southern states claimed her as one of their own. Both feared what would happen to the balance of power in the Senate, where each state sent two senators regardless of size or population. By now, the two regions were developing separate though intertwined economies. The Northern states were hurtling toward industrialization, building factories, constructing cities, and developing financial institutions; the Southern states kept to their agricultural base, received fewer immigrants, and developed an alternative financial system based on the buying and selling of slaves and cotton.* The majority of Northerners could read and write; in the South, the literacy rate was less than half. The growing political, economic, and cultural differences between the North and South could not be easily reconciled. Finally, in 1820, Congress agreed to the "Missouri Compromise," which admitted Missouri as a new state to the Union, with slavery allowed. As a balance, however, Maine was admitted as a free state, and the future growth of slavery was confined to new states south of the Missouri border. The Southern states suddenly became deeply interested in the expansion of the United States into Mexico and Central America.
Britain could not help becoming entangled in these territorial disputes. In 1823, President James Monroe announced the "Monroe Doctrine," which essentially called for the Old World to stay on its side of the Atlantic and allow the New World to develop without interference. Since Britain had possessions and interests on both continents, this was neither desirable nor possible for her.* After a decade as foreign secretary, from 1830 to 1841, Lord Palmerston had become thoroughly exasperated by the continuous bickering between the two countries over Canada's borders. "It never answers to give way [to the Americans]," he wrote in January 1841, "because they always keep pushing on their own encroachments as far as they are permitted to do so; and what we dignify by the names of moderation and conciliation, they naturally enough call fear."6 Palmerston followed his own advice in the case of a British subject named Alexander McLeod, who was being held in a New York prison on the charge of murder. McLeod had been arrested in November 1840 after he drunkenly boasted in a New York bar of killing an American sympathizer who had been on his way to take part in the Canadian revolts of 1837. Palmerston informed Washington that McLeod's execution "would produce war; war immediate and frightful in its character."7 Hints from William H. Seward, the governor of New York, that he would pardon McLeod once the public outcry had petered out had no effect on Palmerston's determination to go to war unless the prisoner was released. Fortunately, a jury acquitted McLeod since there was no evidence against him except his own bibulous lies.8
Palmerston's approach to American issues was a reflection of his general attitude toward foreign policy: that Britain's interests should never be sacrificed to satisfy her friends or appease her enemies. His unapologetic nationalism made him widely disliked in Europe. According to legend, a Frenchman once complimented him by saying, "If I were not a Frenchman, I should wish to be an Englishman." To that Palmerston replied, "If I were not an Englishman, I should wish to be an Englishman." The Germans complained, "Hat der Teufel einen Sohn, / So ist er sicher Palmerston" ("If the Devil has a son, surely he must be Palmerston"). Palmerston's willingness to use the Royal Navy, which was the largest in the world, at the slightest provocation earned him the sobriquet "Lord Pumicestone" among his detractors. It was also noticed that Palmerston employed his gunboat diplomacy only against smaller nations such as Greece, while his manner toward the other Great Powers of Europe (France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia) was far more conciliatory.
Palmerston's attitudes had been formed in the age when wigs and rouge were worn by men as well as women. He had personally witnessed the first wave of violent revolutions in Europe as a child when his parents joined the retinue of friends and relations escorting Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire, through France. The family's brief but terrifying experience at the hands of a citizens' committee in Paris left Palmerston with only tepid faith in the ability of the lower classes to make rational decisions. During the first half of his political career, Palmerston was better known for his womanizing (which won him his initial nickname of "Lord Cupid") than for his work at the War Office, where he toiled diligently for twenty years at the midlevel post of secretary for war. But
apart from his enjoyment of female company-the more the better- Palmerston was in every other way a serious politician whose capacity for long hours and hard work almost incited a rebellion among the clerks when he became foreign secretary in 1830. It was a shame, Florence Nightingale remarked after she came to know the real Palmerston, that people accepted his jocular, almost flippant manner at face value, since "he was so much more in earnest than he appeared." Once his slumbering humanitarian instincts were aroused by a particular cause, he could act with unbounded zeal. The abolition of the slave trade became a lifelong obsession as Palmerston painstakingly attempted to create an impregnable web of international treaties that would allow the navy the right to search suspected slave ships in any part of the world.
One of the driving forces behind Palmerston's enmity toward the United States was its refusal to agree to a slave trade treaty. To his mind, the acts abolishing the slave trade in 1807 and then slavery throughout the British Empire in 1833 had joined such other events as the Glorious Revolution and Waterloo in the pantheon of great moments in the nation's history. For many Britons, the eradication of slavery around the globe was not simply an ideal but an inescapable moral duty, since no other country had the navy or the wealth to see it through. At the beginning of 1841, Palmerston had almost concluded the Quintuple Treaty, which would allow the Royal Navy to search the merchant ships of the Great Powers. "If we succeed," Palmerston told the House of Commons on April 15, 1841, "we shall have enlisted in this league . . . every state in Christendom which has a flag that sails on the ocean, with the single exception of the United States of North America."9 The Quintuple Treaty was signed, but without the signature of the United States. As a consequence, the slave trade continued exclusively under the American flag. The one concession Britain did obtain-and this was not accomplished by Palmerston, who was out of government between 1841 and 1846-was the formation of joint patrols with the U.S. Navy off the West African coast.
Whether Palmerston was foreign secretary, however, made no difference to the constant wrangling or the relentless expansion of the Union over the lands of Native Americans as well as British-held territories. Three years later, in 1844, the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party, James Polk, ran on a platform that all of Britain's Oregon territories right up to Russian America should be annexed by the United States. "The only way to treat John Bull is to look him in the eye," Polk wrote in his diary. "If Congress falters or hesitates in their course, John Bull will immediately become arrogant and more grasping in his demands."10 Polk's claim for all the land as far as what is now southern Alaska resulted in the popular slogan "Fifty-four Forty or Fight!" (meaning that the new boundary line should be drawn along the 54°40' parallel). But the expected fight never occurred; Texas joined the Union as a slave state in 1845, and a year later President Polk declared war on Mexico, a far less dangerous opponent. The British foreign secretary, Lord Aberdeen, who shied away from gunboat diplomacy, was willing to negotiate, and the Oregon Treaty was signed in June 1846, giving all of present-day Washington, Oregon, and Idaho to the United States.11 Victory in the Mexican-American War in 1848 resulted in the United States acquiring a further 600 million acres, most of them below the Mason-Dixon Line. There were now thirty states in the Union, once again in an even split between slave and free.
Product details
- Publisher : Random House (June 28, 2011)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 1008 pages
- ISBN-10 : 037550494X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0375504945
- Item Weight : 3.35 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.66 x 2.12 x 9.58 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,265,109 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,072 in England History
- #4,363 in U.S. Civil War History
- #32,487 in World History (Books)
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About the author

Amanda Foreman is the author of the award-winning best seller, ‘Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire' (HarperCollins UK; Random House US), and 'A World on Fire: A Epic History of Two Nations Divided' (Allen Lane UK; Random House US). She lives in New York with her husband and five children.
She is the daughter of Carl Foreman, the Oscar-winning screen writer of many film classics including The Bridge on the River Kwai, High Noon, and The Guns of Navarone.
Amanda was born in London, brought up in Los Angeles, and educated in England. She attended Sarah Lawrence College and Columbia University in New York. She received her doctorate in Eighteenth-Century British History from Oxford University in 1998.
‘Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire’ was a number one best seller in England, and best seller for many weeks in the United States. It has been translated into French, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Danish, Hungarian, Romanian, Croatian, Turkish, Korean and Mandarin Chinese. The book was nominated for several awards and won the Whitbread Prize for Best Biography in 1999. It has inspired a television documentary, a radio play starring Dame Judi Dench; and a movie, titled ‘The Duchess’, starring Keira Knightly and Ralph Fiennes.
In addition to regularly writing and reviewing for newspapers and magazines, Amanda Foreman has also served on a number of juries including The Orange Prize, the Guardian First Book Prize and the National Book Awards.
'A World on Fire' has been optioned by BBC Worldwide.
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Amanda Foreman is relatively new to the task of historical writing. Yet she seems to have been born to the task of writing this book. She is bi-national, with British and American citizenship and was educated both in this country and in the United Kingdom. Her father was Carl Foreman, a legendary screenwriter who fled to England in 1951 after being blacklisted by the United States for being a former Communist and refusing to name names. He was reinstated in 1997, only to return to his country of birth in 1984 to die and to receive the accolades of his fellow citizens. Who better to write a story of the Civil War as a global event, than a global citizen such as Amanda Foreman?
Amanda Foreman has fashioned a book, which is impressively researched and overwhelming in its completeness. Its length of over 900 pages, is somewhat intimidating and occasionally too much for the reader, but overall, the reader is rewarded for his patience and diligence. The author tells the story by employing a myriad of vignettes and a cast of well over 200 characters. The author has combined two narrative tasks, one a description of the diplomatic efforts on both sides of the Atlantic and the second a description of individual participation by immigrants from many countries, with special attention to British involvement. The diplomatic story is the central narrative of the book, yet the tales of individual involvement are more engrossing, and in the end more meaningful for both countries.
The central diplomatic event of the war was the Trent affair. It was a diplomatic dance, with many twists and turns that would set the pattern for subsequent diplomatic efforts of the two nations. It is a complicated story centered on the American seizure of Confederate diplomats from a British mail ship, The Trent. Unfortunately the author mixes this event with others and spreads it over two chapters. The author commits the heuristic sin of further complicating an already complicated issue, a strategy that she would pursue throughout the book. Nonetheless, this event introduces the reader to the diplomatic heavyweights on both sides: Richard Lyons, the Minister of the British Legation in Washington, Richard Russell, the British Foreign Secretary and most of all William Seward, the American Secretary of State who figured prominently thought-out the war. In a description of the Trent Affair Seward is presented as a bombastic individual who threatens war to obtain peace. Foreman concludes that Seward was a supremely talented diplomat who the English came to know and trust. We recall the judgment of Walter Stahr that Seward was Lincoln’s indispensible man.
Overall, the diplomatic efforts of the North and Great Britain were mostly successful, with success being defined as furthering the foreign policy of both nations. The policy of the United States was to keep Britain out of the war and the policy of Great Britain was to remain neutral. Although there was some tension between Britain and the United states, the relationship never sank to belligerence and was at least officially friendly. Although the British regarded the south as a belligerent, they never recognized the Confederacy as a nation. The diplomatic goal of the South was to secure British recognition, and to break the Northern blockade. In these respects they failed.
Which brings us to the title of the book, “A World on Fire, Britain’s crucial role in the American civil War.” The title is cryptic, since the author uses words in an unconventional way. The title of the book, “A World on Fire” were the words used by Seward to threaten diplomats of Great Britain to back off and to thus avoid off igniting a worldwide conflagration. After all was said and done it was a figure of speech, but like many figures of speech, it was pregnant with meaning. In the book title the fire referred to was not a worldwide conflagration but a fire in men’s hearts. It was a fire ignited by the disappointment of the European revolutions of 1848. The failure of these efforts spelled the doom of democracy in Europe with monarchy the clear winner. Those drawn to freedom were attracted like moths to the flame burning in America, both in the North and in the South. The North was fighting for the equality of all men while the South fought for the freedom to live the sort of life they cherished. In this country a large number of immigrants were poor, without good family support and without the support of their homelands. Amongst other reasons, but mainly to recapture the meaning in their lives, they chose to join the fight for their new country. Most fought for the North. The northern army was multicultural and multinational. One third of the soldiers who fought for the north were immigrants: 10% were German, 7.5% Irish as well as French, Italian, Polish and Scottish. There were no British Units; the Neutrality Act had forbidden British nationals from active participation in the war. Nevertheless, numerous individuals served as observers and as both officers and fighting men. It was this shared experience that shaped the nature of relationship between the United States and Great Britain. The old memories were extinguished, and a new role based on shared values was created.
In a manner similar to the way she used the word fire, Foreman used the word crucial in an unexpected way. To most, the word crucial implies some sort of action. Foreman used the word, to mean an absence of action. The crucial role of Great Britain in the Civil War was, in fact, no official role. The Southern quest for independence was quixotic and doomed to failure. The Confederacy was simply outclassed by the North in every way. The British played a crucial role by simply not interfering and thus allowed fate to take its course.
There are times when diplomacy takes unexpected paths. Ironically, Britain’s major contribution to the Civil War was to take no military action. The most important interaction were the personal ones, the shared experiences that would establish that special relationship between the countries that would have a major impact in two world wars and several minor ones. For the foreseeable future, the fate of both nations appears to be intertwined.
In the years before the shooting started Britain and the United States had a troubled history. Britain played a major role in the US economy, particularly through the large amount of cotton she purchased each year for her textile mills. Neither fully trusted the other. Boundary disputes over the US Canadian border and other arguments dating back to the Revolution kept Anglo-American relations tense. The election of Abraham Lincoln in 1860 brought matters to a head, first because it led the South to secede and start to fight for its independence, and second because of Lincoln's appointment of William H. Seward as Secretary of State. Seward was ambitious to see the US grow and looked longingly north towards Britain's North American possession, Canada. For their part the British had an assertive government of its own dominated by Lord Palmerston, who was just as determined as Seward to see his nation grow ever stronger and more powerful. Complicating matters was the economic problem caused by the US blockade of the Confederacy, which meant Britain's textile industry was deprived of Southern cotton. The Confederacy hoped that this would bring Britain into the war on their side, and indeed many British leaders advocated intervention, but the idea of fighting to preserve slavery and (even more importantly) alienating the North, kept Britain neutral throughout the conflict.
Foreman's well known ability to skillfully detail personality and clearly describe complex historical events make the 800+ pages (not including another 150 pages of notes and index) of A World On Fire flow beautifully. Battles are described succinctly but with great attention to the fine human details, so that the reader feels the terror of Charleston's population as it comes under Federal bombardment, for example. Foreman is at her best when covering the negotiations and interplay between British and American politicians, so its easy to understand the motivations of men like Abraham Lincoln and Jefferson Davis in America or Lord Russell and Lord Palmerston in Britain. Less well known figures like Charles Francis Adams, the US ambassador to Britain and James Mason, the Confederate commissioner, as well as Lord Lyons, the British representative in Washington, are also vividly described. Then there are the multitudes of private individuals who were drawn into the conflict on one side or another, sometimes tearing apart British as well as American families, such as what happened to the Duke of Devonshire when his son and heir joined the Confederate army while a younger son supported the North. Women's roles are not neglected, and the exploits of spies like Rose O'Neal Greenhow and Belle Boyd are well and colorfully described. I also appreciated Foreman's witty descriptions of some of the more eccentric Britons who got involved like Alfred Rubery, "one of life's nincompoops," or Feo Monck, "a force of nature, though a gentle one." Those stories made me laugh aloud even though the general tone of the book is naturally one of conflict and turmoil.
Perhaps the most important point Foreman makes in A World On Fire is that it changed Anglo-American relations forever. Both sides came to understand that the other could potentially be a terrible enemy or a great friend, and after the fighting came to an end both began to work towards a more cordial relationship. Cooperation slowly replaced competition in politics and diplomacy, and the foundations of what Churchill later called The Grand Alliance began to be laid. To me, as a native Southerner with great-great-grandfathers who fought for both the North and the South and who takes great pride in his more distant British ancestry, this was the most important and moving section of A World On Fire: the beginnings of that special relationship which still means so much to both nations.
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This is a great big book (9 ½ inches by 6 ½ inches by 2 ½ inches weighing about 3 ¾ lbs.) so, if prospective purchasers don't fancy great big books, would they please stop reading this review now.
On the other hand, if prospective purchasers can cope with a great big book, this one (as I have stated in my 'interim review') is a work or rare genius, and I would go so far as to say that, for general historical readers and for 'Civil War' buffs in particular, 'A World On Fire' is a must-have and the book of the decade. It is wonderfully written and a really great read.
One of the most insightful quotations in Amanda Foreman's masterpiece is by the British writer, William Michael Rosetti (brother of the artist Dante Gabriel Rosetti), who said that, during the war, expressions such as "'I am a Northerner," and "I am a Southerner"' were 'as common on Englishmen's lips as "I am a Liberal" or "I am a Conservative."' The partisan nature of the terrible strife was as much a part of the then British psyche and political scene as it was in America.
Though I am British, I have known since I was a child that I was a Southerner and I recall as if it were yesterday the day I first set foot in Virginia. I was in my spiritual home. It just felt right. I have never felt the need nor the desire to change my attitude and preference.
My guess is that the author is a Northerner in sympathy, but I absolve her of all partisan feelings as she has done her best to present the respective Northern and Southern causes in a fair light. Moreover, she shows an exceptional understanding of the sympathies of both British and American people, not only those who participated but also those who were interested but powerless bystanders like the hundreds of thousands of cotton workers thrown out of work by what was going on over the ocean.
It has been suggested that Ms. Foreman's work should have been better edited. Editing implies correction or cutting. I see no need for correction - other than the three typographical errors that I twigged - and certainly no need for cutting, for, if anything, the book leaves much out and isn't long enough. I could have coped with another 1,000 pages at least.
I was proud to read of distant relatives of both my wife and myself who had played parts on both sides (North and South) and on both sides of the ocean. Abraham Lincoln and William Henry Seward are studied thoroughly and it is again clear to me that Seward, as a drunk, was no credit to the State Department whilst Lincoln can never be absolved from the prime charge of the people of the South, namely, that he raised a great army to invade their states. That army burned houses and destroyed farms wherever it went, right from the start. Poor Virginia, indeed. Incidentally, the book's title is probably derived from the words of the drunken and irresponsible Seward - 'We will wrap the whole world in flames' (page 189).
An unexpected (to me) Southern hero was the British war artist and correspondent Frank Vizetelly (1830 - 1883), whose drawings graced the pages of the Illustrated London News. I had seen some of them before but I had not known what an important part this man had played, being on hand almost throughout and at the end of President Davis's doomed leadership of the equally doomed Confederate States. The book, already a magnum opus, is made better still by the inclusion of much of Mr Vizetelly's marvellous work.
Hundreds of books have been written about the American 'Civil War' (or 'War of Northern Aggression' or 'War for Southern Independence') and all bar a few describe the bitter divisions between peoples of similar blood and the almost indescribable suffering, especially of those in the invaded South. This superlative and stupendous tome succeeds as well as any other because it includes so many first-hand (and, in some cases, new) accounts of individual participants and on-the-spot observers.
The book's greatest strength - and its primary purpose - is its success in showing how important was the attitude of Great Britain and the British people. There were many occasions when British intervention could (and should?) have ensured the ending of the slaughter and there were more occasions than I knew of when Great Britain and the Lincoln regime might have found themselves at war. The then future of Canada was at stake, as was the governance of Mexico, for which France yearned.
Aside from Frank Vizetelly and many others who are mentioned and quoted at length, two more Southern heroes were Swiss-born Henry Hotze (1833 - 1887), a master of propaganda who worked with my Cambridgeshire-born cousin, John George Witt (1836 - 1906), and James Dunwoody Bulloch (1823 - 1901), uncle of Teddy Roosevelt and one of the Confederacy's principal agents in Great Britain. I have read of both previously, thanks to Amazon. Intriguingly, one of the Amazon critics of 'A World On Fire' is one James Bulloch. If the latter Mr Bulloch is a relative of the former Mr Bulloch, I forgive his criticisms and defer to his knowledge. If he is not, I hope that potential purchasers will give more weight to my remarks and buy this magnificent book that is enormously impressive in both scale and scope.
The book is long, detailed (mostly) and professionally comprehensive. It explodes yet another legend of American historiography. The raison d'etre was morally reprehensible, the loss of life among the soldiery was appalling, the suffering of the South and of Britain was nasty, the generalship (in the cold hard light of day) was amateurish and the political leadership was childish. In short this whole episode, regardless from which side of the Atlantic you root for, is nothing short of seedy. This strong impression is the result of Foreman's outstanding scholarship and talent for wordplay. Amanda presents an even-balanced view of British (official and unofficial) involvement in a war concerning genetically related races. She utilizes a significant amount of hitherto fore unknown primary sources which adds color and a deep texture to the story.
Did I like it? Did I enjoy it? I have to say that I lost interest about half way through on account of the veil of majesty (given from childhood) of the (2nd) US Civil War being rent asunder; the whole war lacks honor and heroics because the moral cause was not espoused until well into the war (and even then given under pressure). Lincoln did not fully commit to the emancipation until late in the game, which makes him out to be, not the mythologized hero, but a plodder who recognized political opportunism. The story is incredibly complex which Foreman readily admits to but she has done a sterling job in trying to achieve here aims, namely to tell the story of the (2nd) US Civil War through the eyes of Britons in America and Americans in Briton. Reading the book, one gets strong impressions of certain personalities and factions at certain points in history which then fade into the background at other moments. For example, at the beginning of the book, Seaward is described in forceful detail and yet as events progress his personality fades from the stage to become a scantily referenced caricature in later sections. The story of Seward's conversion from Lincoln's enemy to supporter is not convincing nor is his antipathy towards Lyons and later conversion to friend and supporter. Lincoln and Davis are similarly two dimensional; Lee, Grant and Sherman etc are but names on a page. This is the impression from one who knows nothing about these personalities except through skewed childhood history.
At the end of the 816 pages I was as weary as any American combatant and fully came away with the impression, like I had done recently about the Crimean War, that it was all a fruitless waste of resources (man, beast and material) and in this impression, Foreman has triumphed. War is hell and should never be resorted to lightly. This is an impressive work and should be recognized as such but overall I feel that the subject is beyond any one person's ability to tell in a positive, refractory light. The (2nd) US Civil War was a dirty, underhanded, dishonorable business, but Foreman's sympathetic work has allowed the ghosts of the war to be rightfully honored. Lest We Forget!
in short it will annoy purist academics who get caught up on tiny detail, but if your looking for a very good entry into the subject ( including the civil war itself and the main protagonists but remember this is about the relationship between the US and Britain not the civil war in the detail you will get from the 150,000 books already published)you cant go wrong here.
On the face of it the American civil war had very little to do with us Brits and as such we only tend to come across it via American sources such as TV and the movies where understandably the view point in focused inwardly. As this book explains the truth is that we were almost as much involved as America and the civil war had a much wider international dimension. In fact had we played it differently the South would have been able to go its own way. Be warned this is not a light read, it needs, and repays, your full attention. It also outlines the troubled relationship between the USA and Britain during most of the 19th century. Basically we were the bogie man and every ill that befell the USA leading up to the start of the civil war was laid at the feet of Britain by US politicians. In fact, the book points out that the Republican party's great plan to avoid the south from seeking independence was to invade Canada and provoke a war with Britain. The book also highlights how slavery and cotton bound our two nations. Victorian Britain was dedicated to wiping out the slave trade yet approximately 5 million people (Lancashire's dark satanic mills) depended on the south's slave economy cotton. British industry wasn't above selling arms to the south either. The confederate navy's best warships were all built in British shipyards and their soldiers often carried British weapons, as did many in the Northern army. In fact many officers and men on both sides were also British but it was on the political front where Britain had the most influence. Packed with detail, the book shines a light onto a part of British history very few of us probably know much about. Well worth it if you have any interest in this period.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 29, 2015
On the face of it the American civil war had very little to do with us Brits and as such we only tend to come across it via American sources such as TV and the movies where understandably the view point in focused inwardly. As this book explains the truth is that we were almost as much involved as America and the civil war had a much wider international dimension. In fact had we played it differently the South would have been able to go its own way. Be warned this is not a light read, it needs, and repays, your full attention. It also outlines the troubled relationship between the USA and Britain during most of the 19th century. Basically we were the bogie man and every ill that befell the USA leading up to the start of the civil war was laid at the feet of Britain by US politicians. In fact, the book points out that the Republican party's great plan to avoid the south from seeking independence was to invade Canada and provoke a war with Britain. The book also highlights how slavery and cotton bound our two nations. Victorian Britain was dedicated to wiping out the slave trade yet approximately 5 million people (Lancashire's dark satanic mills) depended on the south's slave economy cotton. British industry wasn't above selling arms to the south either. The confederate navy's best warships were all built in British shipyards and their soldiers often carried British weapons, as did many in the Northern army. In fact many officers and men on both sides were also British but it was on the political front where Britain had the most influence. Packed with detail, the book shines a light onto a part of British history very few of us probably know much about. Well worth it if you have any interest in this period.



