One of the few proud neoconservatives remaining, Podhoretz offers an impassioned defense of President Bush's foreign policy, gleefully attacking those on the left and the right who harbor suspicions that Bush fils is less than infallible. Convinced that we are in the middle of the fourth world war (the Cold War was the third), he attempts to steel us for the years of conflict to come. But Podhoretz's argument falls flat because of his refusal to face difficult realities in Iraq. He insists that the media has resolutely tried to ignore any and all signs of progress and repeatedly asserts that those with whom he disagrees are committed to seeing the U.S. fail in Iraq in order to enhance their professional reputations. Even in describing how the events of September 11 drew America together, Podhoretz cannot resist partisan sniping: [E]ven on the old flag-burning Left, a few prominent personalities were painfully wrenching their unaccustomed arms into something vaguely resembling a salute. Podhoretz's take-no-prisoners writing style will delight his partisans while infuriating his ideological opponents, whom he brands as members of a domestic insurgency against the Bush Doctrine. (Sept.)
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Podhoretz has been an intellectual combatant in the neoconservative ranks for decades, and here he engages critics of America's current wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Stoutly defending President George W. Bush, Podhoretz covers every avenue of attack on Bush's strategy of responding militarily to Islamic terrorists rather than continuing the law-enforcement approach that had been the tendency prior to 9/11. The so-called Bush Doctrine of regime change, preemptive war, and propagation of democracies in the Middle East, Podhoretz argues, is comparable to the Truman Doctrine at the start of the cold war and is strategically and morally sound in light of the aims and methods of radical Islamic terrorists. However, Podhoretz is pessimistic about the successful application of the Bush Doctrine. He asserts that a nearly unanimous anti-Bush phalanx in academia, in the Democratic Party, and in mass media has been successful in influencing public opinion toward an antiwar direction. Quoting and debating criticisms of Bush from such precincts, and from conservative corners as well, Podhoretz stands as a beleaguered but unwavering voice in the controversy over American foreign policy. Taylor, Gilbert
Review
Praise for World War IV
"Norman Podhoretz's book is an antidote to the attempt to return to the denial of the 1990s. It forcefully argues for an America truly on offense against Islamic terrorism."
— Rudy Giuliani, former mayor of New York
"In this compelling book, Norman Podhoretz convinced me that using the term Third World War to describe the war on terror is wrong. This is the fourth world war (with the cold war as a third great struggle between freedom and tyranny), and it is a war we can win and must win. Every citizen interested in our survival as a free and safe country should read World War IV."
— Newt Gingrich, former Speaker of the House
"You must read this forceful analysis of where we are—at war—and why we must remain engaged and be ready to act in defense of our national security."
—George P. Shultz, former U.S. secretary of state
"Stunning, brutally honest, indispensable—a huge service to truth and history, and to our prospects for prevailing."
—R. James Woolsey, director of central intelligence, 1993-1995
"World War IV will make a lot of people unhappy. Thank goodness. With any luck, it will wake up many more."
—John R. Bolton, former United States ambassador to the United Nations
"Norman Podhoretz has always had the gift of moral—and linguistic—clarity. This new book is true to his passion and craft, a work that counsels patience and fortitude against encircling radicalisms. A terrific and rewarding read."
—Foaud Ajami, director of the Middle East Studies Program, The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies
About the Author
NORMAN PODHORETZ is now editor at large for Commentary magazine, of which he was editor in chief for thirty-five years. He is also an adjunct fellow of the Hudson Institute and the author of numerous bestselling books, including Making It, Breaking Ranks, Ex-Friends, My Love Affair with America, and The Prophets.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
CHAPTER ONE
The 9/11 Blame Game
The attack came, both literally and metaphorically, out of the blue. Literally, in that the hijacked planes that crashed into the twin towers of the World Trade Center on the morning of September 11, 2001, had been flying in a cloudless sky so blue that it seemed unreal. I happened to be on jury duty that day, in a courthouse only a half–mile or so from what would soon be known as Ground Zero. Some time after the two planes reached their targets, we all poured into the street—just as the second tower collapsed. And this sight, as if it were not impossible to believe in itself, was made all the more incredible by the perfection of the sky stretching so beautifully over it. I felt as though I had been deposited into a scene in one of those disaster movies being filmed (as they used to say) in glorious color.
But the attack came out of the blue in a metaphorical sense as well. About a year later, in November 2002, a bipartisan “9/11 Commission” would be set up to investigate how and why such a huge event could have taken us by surprise and whether it might have been prevented. Because the commission’s public hearings were not held until we were all caught up in the exceptionally poisonous presidential election campaign of 2004, they quickly degenerated into an attempt by the Democrats on the panel to demonstrate that the administration of George W. Bush had been given adequate warnings but had failed to act on them.
Reinforcing this attempt was the testimony of Richard A. Clarke, who had been in charge of the counterterrorist operation in the National Security Council under Bill Clinton and then under Bush before resigning in the aftermath of 9/11. What Clarke for all practical purposes did—both at the hearings and in his hot–off–the–press, bestselling book Against All Enemies—was blame Bush, who had been in office for eight months when the attack occurred, while exonerating Clinton, who had spent eight years doing little of any significance in response to the series of terrorist assaults on American targets in various parts of the world that were launched on his watch.
Yet according to John Lehman, one of the Republican commissioners, Clarke’s original testimony, given in a closed session, had included a “searing indictment of some Clinton officials and Clinton policies.” The Republican members of the commission (but not their Democratic colleagues, who seemed to have known what was coming) were therefore taken aback when, in the public hearings, Clarke omitted his earlier criticisms of Clinton and delivered a one–sided assault on Bush. Then, in a different, though related, context, the commission’s final report would quote material written by Clarke while he was still in office that was inconsistent with his more recent public and much–publicized denial of any relationship whatsoever between Iraq and the Al Qaeda terrorists who had attacked us.
In a less polarized political and cultural climate, these two revelations would have discredited Clarke altogether. But so useful was he to the violently anti-Bush animus then gathering steam that he became the first in a long string of such former members of or outside consultants to the Bush administration who, no matter how seriously their credibility had been damaged, would be rewarded with fame and/or fortune for turning on the president they had once served. (I will have more to say in due course about the most notorious of these, Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV.)
But the point I wish to stress is not that Clarke was exaggerating or lying. It is that the attack on 9/11 did indeed come out of the blue in the sense that no one ever took such a possibility seriously enough to figure out what to do about it. Even Clarke himself, who at a meeting on July 5, 2001, warned that “something really spectacular is going to happen here, and it’s going to happen soon,” had to admit under questioning by one of the 9/11 commissioners that if all his recommendations had been acted upon, the attack still could not have been prevented. And in its final report, the commission, while digging up no fewer than ten episodes that with hindsight could be seen as missed “operational opportunities,” thought that these opportunities could not have been acted on effectively enough to frustrate the attack. Indeed not: not, that is, in the real America as it existed at the time.
It was, to begin with, an America in which the FBI had been so hobbled by congressional restraints that it could scarcely make a move, and so intimidated by legal restrictions that it shied away from taking action even when it had very good reasons to pounce. The most egregious case in point was what happened when, only a month before 9/11, an agent in the FBI’s Minneapolis field office discovered that one Zacarias Moussaui, a French citizen of Moroccan descent, had enrolled in a flight school in order to learn how to take off and land a Boeing 747. The agent initiated an investigation, which, the 9/11 Commission report would tell us, led him to conclude that Moussaui was “an Islamic extremist preparing for some future act in furtherance of radical fundamentalist goals.” The agent also suspected that Moussaui was planning to hijack a plane, and to check out this suspicion he wanted to seize and search Moussaui’s laptop computer. For this he needed a warrant, but his superiors at FBI headquarters in Washington did not believe that there was sufficient probable cause of a crime to obtain one. In the hope of getting around this problem, the agent and his colleagues now tried to show that Moussaui was an agent of a foreign power. This set them off on a wild–goose chase involving intelligence agencies in England and France, not to mention the CIA, the FAA, the Customs Service, the State Department, the INS, and the Secret Service. But still no warrant. Why? Because, the 9/11 Commission report explains:
There was substantial disagreement between Minneapolis agents and FBI headquarters [in Washington] as to what Moussaui was planning to do. In one conversation between a Minneapolis supervisor and a headquarters agent, the latter complained that Minneapolis’s…request was couched in a manner intended to get people “spun up.” The supervisor replied that was precisely his intent. He said he was “trying to keep someone from taking a plane and crashing it into the World Trade Center.” The headquarters agent replied that this was not going to happen and that they did not know if Moussaui was a terrorist.
Well, the headquarters agent would eventually find out not only that Moussaui was a terrorist but that he was a member of Al Qaeda and slated to participate in a West Coast follow–up to 9/11.
As if such obstacles were not enough to block an effective counter to the threat of terrorism in pre-9/11 America, there was also the “wall of separation.” This wall was erected during the Clinton administration to obstruct communication or cooperation between the FBI and the CIA. The main purpose was supposedly to prevent secret information and intelligence sources from being compromised by law enforcement agencies and prosecutors. But the idea must also have owed more than a little something to the hope among leftists and liberals that keeping the FBI and the CIA apart would reduce the menace they both allegedly posed to “dissent” and civil liberties.
Be that as it may, let me cite only three mind-boggling examples of what the “wall of separation” wrought. They come from Lawrence Wright of The New Yorker by way of the conveniently succinct summaries by Dexter Filkins of the New York Times (two publications that one would expect to be justifying the “wall of separation” and not exposing the horrendous damage it did). Here is the first:
The CIA…knew that high–level Qaeda operatives had held a meeting in Malaysia in January 2000, and, later, that two of them had entered the United States. Both men turned out to be part of the team that hijacked the planes on Sept. 11. The CIA failed to inform…the FBI—which might have been able to locate the men and break up the plot—until late in the summer of 2001.
The second such example of the damage done by the “wall of separation” is even worse:
At meetings, CIA analysts dangled photos of two of the eventual hijackers in front of FBI agents, but wouldn’t tell them who they were. The FBI agents could sense that the CIA possessed crucial pieces of evidence about Islamic radicals they were investigating, but couldn’t tell what they were. The tension came to a head at a meeting in New York on June 11, exactly three months before the catastrophe, which ended with FBI and CIA agents shouting at each other across the room.
And the third of the three examples may be the worst of them all:
Ali Soufan, an FBI agent assigned to Al Qaeda, was taken aside on September 12 and finally shown the names and photos of the men the CIA had known for more than a year and a half were in America. The planes had already struck. Soufan ran to the bathroom and retched.
Finally, the America of those far–off days before 9/11 was a country in which politicians and the general public alike were still unable and/or unwilling to believe that terrorism might actually represent a genuine threat. Attention was of course paid by the professionals within the federal government and in various law enforcement agencies whose job it was to keep their eyes open for possible terrorist attacks on American soil. Yet not even they could imagine that anything as big as 9/11 might be in the offing, and when the few lonely exceptions were not being stymied by the “wall of separation,” the initiatives they tried to take were invariably killed off by bureaucratic bunglin...
