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Norman Podhoretz

World War IV: The Long Struggle Against Islamofascism Hardcover – September 11, 2007

by Norman Podhoretz (Author)

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For almost half a century—as a magazine editor and as the author of numerous bestselling books and hundreds of articles—Norman Podhoretz has helped drive the central political and intellectual debates in this country. Now, in this beautifully written and powerfully argued book, he takes on the most controversial issue of our time—the war against the global network of terrorists that attacked us on 9/11.

In World War IV, Podhoretz makes the first serious effort to set 9/11 itself, the battles that have followed it in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the war of ideas that it has provoked at home into a broad historical context. Through a brilliant telling of this epic story, Podhoretz shows that the global war against Islamofascism is as vital and necessary as the two world wars and the cold war (“World War III”) by which it was preceded. He also lays out a compelling case in defense of the Bush Doctrine, contending that its new military strategy of preemption and its new political strategy of democratization represent the only viable way to fight and win the special kind of war into which we were suddenly plunged.

Different in certain respects though the Islamofascists are from their totalitarian predecessors, this new enemy is equally dedicated to the destruction of the freedoms for which America stands and by which it lives. But it took the blatant aggression of 9/11 to make most Americans realize that war had long since been declared on us and that the time had come to fight back. Past administrations, both Republican and Democratic, had failed to respond with appropriate force to attacks by Muslim terrorists on American citizens in various countries, and even the bombing of the World Trade Center in 1993 was treated as a criminal act rather than an act of war. All this changed after 9/11, when the whole country rallied around President Bush’s decision to bring the war to the enemy’s home ground in the Middle East.

The successes and the setbacks that have followed are vividly portrayed by Podhoretz, who goes on to argue that, just as in the two great struggles against totalitarianism in the twentieth century, the key to victory in World War IV will be a willingness to endure occasional reverses without losing sight of what we are fighting against, what we are fighting for, and why we have to win.

Print length

240 pages
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English
Publisher

Doubleday
Publication date

September 11, 2007
Dimensions

6.5 x 1 x 9.5 inches
ISBN-10

0385522215
ISBN-13

978-0385522212
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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

One of the few proud neoconservatives remaining, Podhoretz offers an impassioned defense of President Bush's foreign policy, gleefully attacking those on the left and the right who harbor suspicions that Bush fils is less than infallible. Convinced that we are in the middle of the fourth world war (the Cold War was the third), he attempts to steel us for the years of conflict to come. But Podhoretz's argument falls flat because of his refusal to face difficult realities in Iraq. He insists that the media has resolutely tried to ignore any and all signs of progress and repeatedly asserts that those with whom he disagrees are committed to seeing the U.S. fail in Iraq in order to enhance their professional reputations. Even in describing how the events of September 11 drew America together, Podhoretz cannot resist partisan sniping: [E]ven on the old flag-burning Left, a few prominent personalities were painfully wrenching their unaccustomed arms into something vaguely resembling a salute. Podhoretz's take-no-prisoners writing style will delight his partisans while infuriating his ideological opponents, whom he brands as members of a domestic insurgency against the Bush Doctrine. (Sept.)
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

From Booklist

Podhoretz has been an intellectual combatant in the neoconservative ranks for decades, and here he engages critics of America's current wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Stoutly defending President George W. Bush, Podhoretz covers every avenue of attack on Bush's strategy of responding militarily to Islamic terrorists rather than continuing the law-enforcement approach that had been the tendency prior to 9/11. The so-called Bush Doctrine of regime change, preemptive war, and propagation of democracies in the Middle East, Podhoretz argues, is comparable to the Truman Doctrine at the start of the cold war and is strategically and morally sound in light of the aims and methods of radical Islamic terrorists. However, Podhoretz is pessimistic about the successful application of the Bush Doctrine. He asserts that a nearly unanimous anti-Bush phalanx in academia, in the Democratic Party, and in mass media has been successful in influencing public opinion toward an antiwar direction. Quoting and debating criticisms of Bush from such precincts, and from conservative corners as well, Podhoretz stands as a beleaguered but unwavering voice in the controversy over American foreign policy. Taylor, Gilbert

Review

Praise for World War IV

"Norman Podhoretz's book is an antidote to the attempt to return to the denial of the 1990s. It forcefully argues for an America truly on offense against Islamic terrorism."
— Rudy Giuliani, former mayor of New York

"In this compelling book, Norman Podhoretz convinced me that using the term Third World War to describe the war on terror is wrong. This is the fourth world war (with the cold war as a third great struggle between freedom and tyranny), and it is a war we can win and must win. Every citizen interested in our survival as a free and safe country should read World War IV."
— Newt Gingrich, former Speaker of the House

"You must read this forceful analysis of where we are—at war—and why we must remain engaged and be ready to act in defense of our national security."
—George P. Shultz, former U.S. secretary of state

"Stunning, brutally honest, indispensable—a huge service to truth and history, and to our prospects for prevailing."
—R. James Woolsey, director of central intelligence, 1993-1995

"World War IV will make a lot of people unhappy. Thank goodness. With any luck, it will wake up many more."
—John R. Bolton, former United States ambassador to the United Nations

"Norman Podhoretz has always had the gift of moral—and linguistic—clarity. This new book is true to his passion and craft, a work that counsels patience and fortitude against encircling radicalisms. A terrific and rewarding read."
—Foaud Ajami, director of the Middle East Studies Program, The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies

About the Author

NORMAN PODHORETZ is now editor at large for Commentary magazine, of which he was editor in chief for thirty-five years. He is also an adjunct fellow of the Hudson Institute and the author of numerous bestselling books, including Making It, Breaking Ranks, Ex-Friends, My Love Affair with America, and The Prophets.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

CHAPTER ONE
The 9/11 Blame Game

The attack came, both literally and metaphorically, out of the blue. Literally, in that the hijacked planes that crashed into the twin towers of the World Trade Center on the morning of September 11, 2001, had been flying in a cloudless sky so blue that it seemed unreal. I happened to be on jury duty that day, in a courthouse only a half–mile or so from what would soon be known as Ground Zero. Some time after the two planes reached their targets, we all poured into the street—just as the second tower collapsed. And this sight, as if it were not impossible to believe in itself, was made all the more incredible by the perfection of the sky stretching so beautifully over it. I felt as though I had been deposited into a scene in one of those disaster movies being filmed (as they used to say) in glorious color.

But the attack came out of the blue in a metaphorical sense as well. About a year later, in November 2002, a bipartisan “9/11 Commission” would be set up to investigate how and why such a huge event could have taken us by surprise and whether it might have been prevented. Because the commission’s public hearings were not held until we were all caught up in the exceptionally poisonous presidential election campaign of 2004, they quickly degenerated into an attempt by the Democrats on the panel to demonstrate that the administration of George W. Bush had been given adequate warnings but had failed to act on them.

Reinforcing this attempt was the testimony of Richard A. Clarke, who had been in charge of the counterterrorist operation in the National Security Council under Bill Clinton and then under Bush before resigning in the aftermath of 9/11. What Clarke for all practical purposes did—both at the hearings and in his hot–off–the–press, bestselling book Against All Enemies—was blame Bush, who had been in office for eight months when the attack occurred, while exonerating Clinton, who had spent eight years doing little of any significance in response to the series of terrorist assaults on American targets in various parts of the world that were launched on his watch.

Yet according to John Lehman, one of the Republican commissioners, Clarke’s original testimony, given in a closed session, had included a “searing indictment of some Clinton officials and Clinton policies.” The Republican members of the commission (but not their Democratic colleagues, who seemed to have known what was coming) were therefore taken aback when, in the public hearings, Clarke omitted his earlier criticisms of Clinton and delivered a one–sided assault on Bush. Then, in a different, though related, context, the commission’s final report would quote material written by Clarke while he was still in office that was inconsistent with his more recent public and much–publicized denial of any relationship whatsoever between Iraq and the Al Qaeda terrorists who had attacked us.

In a less polarized political and cultural climate, these two revelations would have discredited Clarke altogether. But so useful was he to the violently anti-Bush animus then gathering steam that he became the first in a long string of such former members of or outside consultants to the Bush administration who, no matter how seriously their credibility had been damaged, would be rewarded with fame and/or fortune for turning on the president they had once served. (I will have more to say in due course about the most notorious of these, Ambassador Joseph C. Wilson IV.)

But the point I wish to stress is not that Clarke was exaggerating or lying. It is that the attack on 9/11 did indeed come out of the blue in the sense that no one ever took such a possibility seriously enough to figure out what to do about it. Even Clarke himself, who at a meeting on July 5, 2001, warned that “something really spectacular is going to happen here, and it’s going to happen soon,” had to admit under questioning by one of the 9/11 commissioners that if all his recommendations had been acted upon, the attack still could not have been prevented. And in its final report, the commission, while digging up no fewer than ten episodes that with hindsight could be seen as missed “operational opportunities,” thought that these opportunities could not have been acted on effectively enough to frustrate the attack. Indeed not: not, that is, in the real America as it existed at the time.

It was, to begin with, an America in which the FBI had been so hobbled by congressional restraints that it could scarcely make a move, and so intimidated by legal restrictions that it shied away from taking action even when it had very good reasons to pounce. The most egregious case in point was what happened when, only a month before 9/11, an agent in the FBI’s Minneapolis field office discovered that one Zacarias Moussaui, a French citizen of Moroccan descent, had enrolled in a flight school in order to learn how to take off and land a Boeing 747. The agent initiated an investigation, which, the 9/11 Commission report would tell us, led him to conclude that Moussaui was “an Islamic extremist preparing for some future act in furtherance of radical fundamentalist goals.” The agent also suspected that Moussaui was planning to hijack a plane, and to check out this suspicion he wanted to seize and search Moussaui’s laptop computer. For this he needed a warrant, but his superiors at FBI headquarters in Washington did not believe that there was sufficient probable cause of a crime to obtain one. In the hope of getting around this problem, the agent and his colleagues now tried to show that Moussaui was an agent of a foreign power. This set them off on a wild–goose chase involving intelligence agencies in England and France, not to mention the CIA, the FAA, the Customs Service, the State Department, the INS, and the Secret Service. But still no warrant. Why? Because, the 9/11 Commission report explains:

There was substantial disagreement between Minneapolis agents and FBI headquarters [in Washington] as to what Moussaui was planning to do. In one conversation between a Minneapolis supervisor and a headquarters agent, the latter complained that Minneapolis’s…request was couched in a manner intended to get people “spun up.” The supervisor replied that was precisely his intent. He said he was “trying to keep someone from taking a plane and crashing it into the World Trade Center.” The headquarters agent replied that this was not going to happen and that they did not know if Moussaui was a terrorist.

Well, the headquarters agent would eventually find out not only that Moussaui was a terrorist but that he was a member of Al Qaeda and slated to participate in a West Coast follow–up to 9/11.

As if such obstacles were not enough to block an effective counter to the threat of terrorism in pre-9/11 America, there was also the “wall of separation.” This wall was erected during the Clinton administration to obstruct communication or cooperation between the FBI and the CIA. The main purpose was supposedly to prevent secret information and intelligence sources from being compromised by law enforcement agencies and prosecutors. But the idea must also have owed more than a little something to the hope among leftists and liberals that keeping the FBI and the CIA apart would reduce the menace they both allegedly posed to “dissent” and civil liberties.

Be that as it may, let me cite only three mind-boggling examples of what the “wall of separation” wrought. They come from Lawrence Wright of The New Yorker by way of the conveniently succinct summaries by Dexter Filkins of the New York Times (two publications that one would expect to be justifying the “wall of separation” and not exposing the horrendous damage it did). Here is the first:

The CIA…knew that high–level Qaeda operatives had held a meeting in Malaysia in January 2000, and, later, that two of them had entered the United States. Both men turned out to be part of the team that hijacked the planes on Sept. 11. The CIA failed to inform…the FBI—which might have been able to locate the men and break up the plot—until late in the summer of 2001.

The second such example of the damage done by the “wall of separation” is even worse:

At meetings, CIA analysts dangled photos of two of the eventual hijackers in front of FBI agents, but wouldn’t tell them who they were. The FBI agents could sense that the CIA possessed crucial pieces of evidence about Islamic radicals they were investigating, but couldn’t tell what they were. The tension came to a head at a meeting in New York on June 11, exactly three months before the catastrophe, which ended with FBI and CIA agents shouting at each other across the room.

And the third of the three examples may be the worst of them all:

Ali Soufan, an FBI agent assigned to Al Qaeda, was taken aside on September 12 and finally shown the names and photos of the men the CIA had known for more than a year and a half were in America. The planes had already struck. Soufan ran to the bathroom and retched.

Finally, the America of those far–off days before 9/11 was a country in which politicians and the general public alike were still unable and/or unwilling to believe that terrorism might actually represent a genuine threat. Attention was of course paid by the professionals within the federal government and in various law enforcement agencies whose job it was to keep their eyes open for possible terrorist attacks on American soil. Yet not even they could imagine that anything as big as 9/11 might be in the offing, and when the few lonely exceptions were not being stymied by the “wall of separation,” the initiatives they tried to take were invariably killed off by bureaucratic bunglin...

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Doubleday; First Edition (September 11, 2007)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 240 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0385522215
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0385522212
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 9.6 ounces
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.5 x 1 x 9.5 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #3,616,327 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,737 in Fascism (Books)
- #5,795 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #17,341 in Fiction Satire

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N. Wallach

Misleading title and focused on too short a moment in time

Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on February 10, 2010

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Why is the title of this book "World War IV"? According to the author, World War 3 is the one that we more commonly describe as The Cold War. It lasted for 42 years (from 1947 to 1989) and involved both active battles (Korea, Vietnam, Hungary, etc.) and passive economic and propaganda battles. In this sequencing, it makes sense to call the war we are currently engaged in World War 4. But what is the war that we are currently engaged in? In World War 2, we fought the rise of Fascism and Nazism. In World War 3 we fought the rise of Communism. In World War 4 we are fighting the rise of what the author calls Islamofascism which is a direct descendent of the previous ideologies, with the addition of the religious component. Just like World War 3, the author explains, World War 4 will take many years of fighting, and will require both active hostilities (like Afghanistan and Iraq), and passive pressure. World War 4 actually started in the 1970's, and there have been many attacks on us since then, killing hundreds of Americans in the process, but the U.S. did not understand this and did not react to it in any meaningful way until after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

When I initially got the book, this kind of thinking was exactly what I was looking to read about and debate in my own mind. I was expecting that after this setting of the basis for the book, the author would then explain more about what it is that he calls Islamofascism, and then provide suggestions on how to fight it so that the war is shortened to the extent possible, and thereby its damages are minimized. In a sense, that is what the book is all about, but it takes a huge stretch of the imagination - and patience of the reader! - to find it. This is because this book veers off and becomes an apologia for the Bush administration and a cataloging of all the forces that opposed Bush.

So, for instance, we are treated to page after page of detailed recounting of all the democrats who voted for fighting a war in Iraq, but who later changed their mind and became shrill advocates for what the author calls "defeatism". This section features a catalog of Democratic senators and congresspeople like John Kerry, Hillary Clinton, Nancy Pelosi, John Murtha and many more. The survey continues with pointed prods of the Isolationists, Internationalists, Realists, Main Stream Media, Liberals, and many more. Each group appears to deserve a chapter of many pages citing how they had either always wanted America to fail in this war, or how they got to the defeatist attitudes that the author decries. And blame is not limited to the Left side of the political spectrum. George Will, Buchanan and Buckley are also excoriated for their lack of support to the Bush administration program.

Reading between the chapters of blame laying, I could discern that the following points are what the author is recommending: He spends some time in laying out the case that the Bush Doctrine is the right doctrine to fight World War 4; The Bush Doctrine is compared (favorably) to the Truman Doctrine; The Bush Doctrine is a direct result of a line of doctrines that proved to be correct - going from Abraham Lincoln (with a stupendously weak argument), through FDR, to Truman and then Kennedy and Reagan; and the Bush Doctrine has four parts to it:
1. Repudiation of moral relativism and the declaration that there is a definite battle between Good and Evil.
2. Countries that give safe haven to terrorists were asking the US to remove them, and the regimes ruling these countries were asking to be overthrown
3. Assertion of the right of the US to preemptively strike any place that harbored evil
4. Establish the goal of having the entire world under political and economic institutions based on Democracy, market economics, and action against terrorism.

The end of the book repeats the argument that Bush should be viewed as more akin to Truman in his promulgation of his doctrine which ultimately won World War 3 (The Cold War) through containment. The Bush Doctrine also envisions a long war of multiple decades with some episodes of military fights. The author decries the defeatists and wonders if America has the gumption to fight this war, and fight it alone because he points out that Europe has essentially become lifeless (actually he points to the twin causes of European decline and the immense Arabic immigration into Europe - He even calls the continent Eurabia!). Comparing today's generation to "The Greatest Generation" he is not sure that we can do it. In a New Afterword composed in 2008, he brings up the question again and posits that if John McCain were to win the election, then the Bush Doctrine would definitely continue in effect and result in a decisive win in Iraq, just like Afghanistan, while wondering if either Clinton or Obama (the Democratic candidate was not yet selected when he wrote the Afterword) would either move over to full surrender, or realize that regardless of what they said during the campaign, the "Awsome responsibility of Power" would bring them to the same conclusion that Bush reached. Reading this book now - a year into Obama's Presidency - I suppose the author would claim that Obama has reached the conclusion that Bush was more right than wrong, as a new Surge is underway in Afghanistan, and Gitmo is still open, the Patriot Act was not repealed, etc.

Towards the end of the book, the author also looks at the situation of Iran and its pursuit of atomic weapons. He obviously believes that this needs to be the next front in the war and makes a strong call for action - military action - against Iran. His analysis is basically captured in a statement he repeats many times: "the only thing worse than bombing Iran is for Iran to get the bomb." I do not necessarily disagree with his thesis, but find it a tantalizing hint of the direction that I thought this book was taking - but only a hint.

I have given this book a rating of three stars because I believe that the title is fundamentally misleading. This is not really a book about "The Long Struggle Against Islamofascism" as the subtitle lays out. It is really an apologia of the Bush doctrine and the Bush presidency. While one can debate the points that the author brings up, I was expecting more of a focus on solutions, strategies, and tactics. With that kind of a subtitle, I was hoping for a book that would be useful over the long term - but found a book that is focused on a single point in time (the tail end of the Bush Presidency) and nothing much more. Too bad.

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Dalton C. Rocha

Almost nothing about the solution for islamofascism

Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on November 10, 2008

Verified Purchase

I read this reasonable book, here in Brazil.This book has some good parts.One example is page 73, where an american called Andrew Young, ambassador of USA in UN, hailed the iranian ayatollah Khomeini as a saint and a true believer in human rights.Oh, having this kind of crook as ambassador, USA didn't needed any enemy.
About the problem, the islamofascism, this boook even being boring and repetitive many times, remains good.About the solution, this book is very weak.Yes, I agree when this book claims that the World War IV, will be a long and terrible war, but the oil and natural gas are the only source of money to islamic world.
Comparing to XV Century, when Europe was buying spices from islamic world and financing the war against Europe, did by islamic world.The political decision to support scientific research in a for discoveries by Columbus and Vasco da Gama, broke the source of money for islamic world.Spices were so expensive as gold in 1490 and nothing more, than cheap products, just one hundred years later.The political decision (from Portugal and Spain crowns)for decades between 1430 and 1498 to support navigation, sent the price of spices to being absolute uncapable of support islamic agression against Catholic Europe.
In our times, the situation is almost equal.Instead of spices selled at price of gold, islamic world is selling oil.Billions of US dollars goes to islamic world, every day, in selling oil and natural gas.If the USA doesn't buys oil from Iran, Japan and China buys;and at the same price.Without oil and natural gas, Arab world exports less than Finnland; a small country in Europe.
This book has nothing about the solution for oil problem.Nothing about ethanol, biogas,etc.To fight against islamofascism without cuting its source of money and power, is useless.When you buy gas or diesel in any gas station in the world, you are supporting Bin Laden, atomic aiatollahs,Al-qaida,hamas, Herzbollah,etc.Without oil's money, islamic world is even, uncapale of feeding itself.
Without money from spices, Othoman Empire once, the strongest military power of Europe to the "sick man of Europe" in some decades.Without oil's money, islamic world will be vulnarable to its own divisions and civil war.Military power alone can't broke islamic power.Only with the end of massive oil's money, the peace in Middle East can be did.And only whith political will to get a substitute to oil-ethanol to example- we could see really peace and an islamic world looking to peace, after its own weakness, became obvious to everyone.
With oil's Money, Islamic World is incapable of even producing its food.
Famine, civil wars will come as soon as a replacement to Islamic oil will come.

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Alex S.

perfect study of the neoconservative mind

Reviewed in Germany 🇩🇪 on June 6, 2013

Verified Purchase

When I skimmed through the contents of this book I made the mistake of accepting its structure as usefull to my current research without even a brief ckeck on the author.
Upon opening the cover I got immediately suspicious, discovering names like Rush Limbaugh and Newt Gingrich praising this "masterpiece". Open to different points of view, I gave it a shot anyways. Much to my sursprise, it was even much worse than I expected!

Professionalisms is completely absent throughout the roughly 250 pages of pro-Bush propaganda. The author tries to cover his neoconservative ideology with pretended objectiveness at first, only to abondon this strategy completely after the first few chapters. Soon enough European anti Iraq War movemnets are compared to a spreading cancer while the media (except for FOXNews I suspect) is blamed for reporting more on the increasing number of suicide bombings on the streets of Iraq instead of mentioning the many US victories - like the country's improved security standanrd after the invasion!

Podhoretz represents everything that went wrong under the Bush Administaration and that is still wrong in large parts of the US, reflecting only the naive world view of conservativ idealists. If you are looking for an insight into how the right wing of America is convincing itself that the years under Bush were a great accomplishment, then this book will give you all the answers.

My personal feedback: a waste of money, time and paper.

Le Ray Éric

qualité - temps

Reviewed in France 🇫🇷 on April 4, 2021

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qualité - temps

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Damiano

Buono!

Reviewed in Italy 🇮🇹 on January 20, 2014

Verified Purchase

Il libro è arrivato in tempi rapidissimi ed è in perfette condizioni!
Sono veramente soddisfatto di questo acquisto!
Assolutamente da tenere in considerazione!

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World War IV: The Long Struggle Against Islamofascism Hardcover – September 11, 2007

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Norman Podhoretz

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