Sanjoy Chakravorty, Devesh Kapur, and Nirvikar Singh show with many statistics and graphs why the Indian-American population is the most successful racial or national subgroup in the United States. Messrs. Chakravorty, Kapur, and Singh call Indian Americans the “other one percent” because they make up about 1 percent of the American population, i.e. a little of over 3 million people. Indian Americans could become the “other two percent” in a couple of decades.
High human capital and concentration in the fields of science and technology are behind the success story of the Indian-American population in the United States. To their credit, the authors go beyond the cliché of the “model minority” to also shed light on the life and career of Indian-American workers and entrepreneurs who are trapped by their immigration status, lack of education, or absent family support structures.
Messrs. Chakravorty, Kapur, and Singh explain clearly to their audience that the India-born came to the United States mostly in three phases: The Early Movers (1965-1979), the Families (1980-1994), and the IT Generation (1995 onward). The authors argue that the first two groups can be combined into a single cohort, i.e. the Settlers 1.0, who are mainly Punjabi and Gujariti speakers. Messrs. Chakravorty, Kapur, and Singh call the IT Generation the Settlers 2.0, who are mainly Telugus, Tamils, and Hindi speakers. The liberalization of U.S. immigration law in 1965 progressively changed the perception of Indian Americans in the US society for the better.
The authors also highlight the key role that a triple selection process has played in the life and career of the Settlers 2.0 compared to the Settlers 1.0. Many Settlers 2.0 come from a thin, relatively privileged layer of Indian society with access to higher education and therefore access to the United States.
In addition, Messrs. Chakravorty, Kapur, and Singh segment the Indian-American population by their place of birth, i.e., individuals born in India, individuals born in the United States with Indian ancestry, and individuals born in a country other than India or the United States, with Indian ancestry, living in the United States. The increasingly large second generation of Indian Americans is likely to be different from its parents, not only in its professional and occupational choices but also in marriage, fertility, location, and participation in the political and cultural life of the country (although perhaps not in sports). High human capital is expected to remain key to their continuous success in the American society.
Finally, the authors interestingly address the phenomenon known as transnationalism. Many immigrants, including Indian Americans, maintain ties with their country of origin. The 21st century American society makes it significantly easier for immigrants settling down and taking root in the United States to regularly and routinely engage in economic, political, and communicative activities with their country of origin.
In summary, Messrs. Chakravorty, Kapur, and Singh give a comprehensive account of the Indian-American immigration group that is not just of interest to Indian Americans.
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