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Grand New Party: How Republicans Can Win the Working Class and Save the American Dream Hardcover – June 24, 2008

4.3 out of 5 stars 53 ratings

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Memo to John McCain: Please, please READ THIS BOOK. It can help you win the election and guide Republicans in shaping the political future.

Memo to Democrats: Don’t read this book. It's going to be THE political book of 2008. Republicans will be better off if you choose to ignore it.”
--William Kristol, editor,
The Weekly Standard

In a provocative challenge to Republican conventional wisdom, two of the Right's rising young thinkers call upon the GOP to focus on the interests and needs of working-class voters.

Grand New Party lays bare the failures of the conservative revolution and presents a detailed blueprint for building the next Republican majority. Blending history, analysis, and fresh, often controversial recommendations, Ross Douthat and Reihan Salam argue that it is time to move beyond the Reagan legacy and the mind-set of the current Republican power structure.

In a concise examination of recent political trends, the authors show that the Democrats' cultural liberalism makes their party inherently hostile to the interests and values of the working class. But on a host of issues, today's Republican Party lacks a message that speaks to their economic aspirations.
Grand New Party offers a new direction—a conservative vision of a limited-but-active government that tackles the threats to working-class prosperity and to the broader American Dream.

With specific proposals covering such hot-button topics as immigration, health care, and taxes,
Grand New Party will shake up the Right, challenge the Left, and force both sides to confront and adapt to the changing political landscape.

Editorial Reviews

About the Author

ROSS DOUTHAT is the author of Privilege: Harvard and the Education of the Ruling Class and a senior editor at the Atlantic. REIHAN SALAM is an associate editor at the Atlantic and a fellow at the New America Foundation. He blogs at The American Scene.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

1
The Old Consensus


When Barry Goldwater lost the 1964 presidential election by 16 million votes, carrying only six states and faring worse than any major-party candidate since Alf Landon in 1936, nobody seriously entertained the possibility that conservatism would rise from his defeat, let alone that the race might mark the beginning of a decades-long realignment in American politics. The Goldwater debacle was greeted instead as a welcome affirmation of a political and cultural order that had endured since the New Deal thirty years before. There had been intimations, in the early 1960s, that this consensus might be headed for a precipice, and so its custodians greeted the election results with head-nodding, hosannas, and more than a little relief. Like a man whose tumor has proven benign, they insisted vehemently that they had never doubted the happy outcome for a moment. Everywhere in autumn 1964 there were panegyrics to the center, to consensus, to the conventional wisdom--all of which conservatives had dared to challenge, and all of which had risen, as every pundit had always known they would, to cast Goldwater down to a devastating defeat.

This old and fated consensus called itself "liberal," and indeed it was, in the sense that Americans of the 1950s looked to government as the source of wealth and progress more than in any era before or since. They had every reason to--thanks to World War II and the Cold War, the federal government almost doubled in size between 1940 and 1960, and American prosperity rose with it. The critics of Franklin Delano Roosevelt fell silent, the long Republican presidency of Dwight Eisenhower accepted the innovations of his Democratic predecessors, and New Deal liberalism gave way to Cold War liberalism without skipping a beat or forfeiting its claim on the nation's loyalties. The American Right still threw up the occasional demagogue--a Douglas MacArthur, a Joseph McCarthy--and put liberals on the defensive, but neither the liberal coalition in politics nor the liberal dominance of the world of ideas seemed to face any serious challenge.

Yet the consensus of the 1950s was deeply conservative as well. It had been built by liberals, using liberal means, but it employed government power to preserve, rather than renovate, the most distinctive habits and institutions of American life. It wasn't just that the New Deal, for all its socialist tendencies, ultimately preserved free-market capitalism at a moment when many intellectuals were ready to abandon it. It was that the Roosevelt majority helped save the ideal of a self-sufficient working class, which had been central to American life from the beginning. And it did so by mixing economic liberalism with social conservatism, a potent political combination that raised America's working class, our democracy's natural political majority, to heights of security and self-confidence unseen before and since.


The Ownership Society

The interests of the working class--the common man, the hardworking but unexceptional citizen--have been at the heart of every great American political movement. From Jefferson to Lincoln to Roosevelt to Reagan, our most successful leaders have sought the democratization of wealth, competence, and social standing--not so that every American might be rich or famous, but so that we might all be independent and self-reliant and secure. In this sense, the American dream is ultimately a dream of home, of a place to call your own, earned and not inherited, and free from the petty tyrannies of landlords, bureaucrats, and bankers. It's a dream of a country in which ownership is available to everyone, provided that they are willing to work for it, rather than being handed out on the basis of wealth or caste, brains or beauty.

Both our political choices and our cultural habits have made the dream a reality. In the early republic, when land was the vehicle for ownership and independence, the federal government added nearly 2 million square miles to the original United States; it pursued policies, from the ordinances of the 1780s onward, to ensure that ownership would be as widely distributed as possible; and it invested in massive "internal improvements," from highways and canals to the transcontinental railroad, to make the settlement of the American interior possible. The same period that saw the violent rooting-out of the greatest internal challenge to America's ownership society--the slave economy of the South--also saw the passage of the Homestead Act, by Republicans who were nearly as exercised by "wage slavery" as they were by the real thing. The act was the defining government policy of America's agrarian era, in a sense--an attempt to preserve the openness and mobility of a society built around yeoman farmers and to prevent the emergence of a hidebound, class-ridden society built on the backs of industrial laborers.

The contrast with how Europe's governments treated the working class during the same period is instructive. Both continents extended the franchise, but Europe's nations did so out of fear: As British prime minister Earl Grey put it with admirable honesty in 1831, "The Principle of my reform is to prevent the necessity of revolution"--the -non-metaphorical kind of revolution in which elites get their heads chopped off. America, on the other hand, did so out of hope--the hope of attracting settlers, as states competed to offer the most expansive definition of political freedom, the better to lure enterprising pioneers. Similarly, Bismarck's Germany adopted the most ambitious program of social insurance in the world, the better to keep the factories running smoothly, but German elites were far less inclined to expand access to education. The goal was to create a docile working class, not an educated and ambitious one. America, in contrast, expanded schooling first and adopted social insurance programs only in the twentieth century. In each case, America's leaders wanted self-sufficiency and independence; Europe's wanted conformity and obedience.

But all the government interventions in the world wouldn't have succeeded without America's distinctive cultural habits. Politics provided the framework in which Americans pursued the dream of home, but culture provided the sense of solidarity and the moral guardrails necessary to sustain a society where the common man is independent of both state power and the dubious protections of noblesse oblige. The great danger of modern life is atomization and isolation, a danger that has prompted countless moderns to seek to impose order on their societies from above, either through totalizing ideologies--fascism and communism and all their variations; Salafist Islam--or the swaddling clothes of a nanny state. But America has avoided these temptations, relying instead on a powerful network of mediating institutions--churches and voluntary associations, marriage and family life--and an intense sense of national solidarity to provide a somewhat mysterious order from below.

"The central conservative truth," Daniel Moynihan famously remarked, "is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society." Being a liberal himself, he added that the "central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself." But the central American truth is that there's no way to cleanly separate politics from culture, or to separate either one from economics. Private virtue and cultural solidarity create economic security and independence; economic security enables people to persist in virtue; and wise public policy promotes both virtue and security at once. The reverse is also true--cultural dysfunction breeds economic dislocation and vice versa, while governmental folly can shape both culture and economics for the worse. And it has been the great achievement of American life that we have maintained, through many controversies, a healthy cycle rather than a widening gyre.


The Maternalist Moment

In the early years of the twentieth century, though, this achievement seemed in danger. The frontier had finally closed, and industrialization and urbanization appeared to pose nearly as great a threat as slavery to widespread ownership and equality-in-independence. The slave economy was regional and probably fated for extinction even without the Civil War; the industrial economy was national and insatiable. The laborer in the factory could never be as secure in his own home as the farmer with his own plot of land: The farmer controlled the means of production; the worker controlled only a piece of the assembly line. At its worst, industrialization seemed to betoken either a new era of wage-slave feudalism, or if you believed the Marxists, an end to the democratic dream and a merciless war of class against class.

America's reformers pursued a variety of responses to this crisis, all of them aimed at ensuring that labor replaced land as a vehicle for ownership and independence. High tariffs on imported goods protected American manufacturers, and in theory provided them with the profit margins they needed to raise wages above subsistence level; immigration restrictions protected American labor from competition with foreign-born workers. Trusts were busted to break up cartels and keep the free market running smoothly, and labor laws instituted workplace protections and established an eight-hour day, effectively manufacturing scarcity to ensure that hourly wages went up. And unions gained ground, slowly but steadily, creating an economic climate in which the common man could bargain with the rich and claim his fair share of prosperity.

But one of the most important responses, and one of the least remembered, was the attempt to shore up family life, which seemed to be breaking down under the pressures of the new economy. The massive shift from the countryside to the cities, and the concurrent shift from large, extended families rooted in rural communities to small, unstable families dependent on wage work,...

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Doubleday
  • Publication date ‏ : ‎ June 24, 2008
  • Edition ‏ : ‎ 1st
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Print length ‏ : ‎ 256 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0385519435
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0385519434
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.1 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.37 x 1.02 x 9.53 inches
  • Best Sellers Rank: #996,447 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.3 out of 5 stars 53 ratings

About the author

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Ross Gregory Douthat
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Ross Douthat is a columnist for The New York Times op-ed page. He is the author of Believe, The Deep Places, The Decadent Society, To Change The Church, Privilege, and Grand New Party. Before joining the Times he was a senior editor for The Atlantic. He is the film critic for National Review, and he has appeared regularly on television, including Charlie Rose, PBS Newshour, and Real Time with Bill Maher.

Customer reviews

4.3 out of 5 stars
53 global ratings

Customers say

Customers find the book's ideas valuable, with one noting it offers lessons for people of all political stripes. The book receives positive feedback as reading material, with one customer considering it among the two most important books to read. The historical content receives mixed reactions from customers.

4 customers mention "Idea value"4 positive0 negative

Customers find the book's ideas valuable, with one noting it offers lessons for people of all political views, while another highlights its focus on families.

"...It is a very useful concept and the heart of this book...." Read more

""Grand New Party" provides some great background and good policy ideas...." Read more

"...party needs to go, and Douthat and Salam are the best young thinkers in the conservative movement." Read more

"...Party can do to become relevant again, there are lessons for folks of every political stripe...." Read more

4 customers mention "Ideas"4 positive0 negative

Customers appreciate the ideas presented in the book.

"great ideas, GOP should read. Trump and Sanders tapped into these ideas." Read more

"Lots of ideas, some are excellent..." Read more

"Original ideas, but ignores the central problem with the GOP..." Read more

"Good ideas but can be sloppy and rambling..." Read more

3 customers mention "Reading material"3 positive0 negative

Customers find the book engaging, with one noting it as one of the two most important books to read, and another highlighting its value for those on the left.

"...It is an interesting program to study and a possible alternative to the Canadian-style single payer system favored by the American left...." Read more

"Great book for anyone on the left or right that wants to understand how to govern today...." Read more

"The two most important books to read if you are interested in America's modern political trends are this book and the Emerging Democratic Majority...." Read more

3 customers mention "History"2 positive1 negative

Customers have mixed opinions about the book's historical content.

"This small book does an excellent job of summarizing the political history of the Republican Party the past 60 years or so...." Read more

"...The first 70 percent is tough to follow. Dubious historical references (like slavery was on its way out leading to the civil war) and blanket..." Read more

"...Both are tomes, full of data culled from history, sociology, and political science...." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on July 2, 2008
    Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
    This small book does an excellent job of summarizing the political history of the Republican Party the past 60 years or so. It offers a critique of where it went, if not wrong, at least out of focus the past eight years. It is a companion to David Frum's book, "Comeback," and the authors refer to Frum's ideas frequently although he is not credited at the end. Some of their ideas I agree with, some I don't know enough about to criticize and I disagree with their health care chapter although I agree on its importance. The emphasis is on the appeal of the Republican Party to the "Sam's Club voter," a term they claim to have originated and which has been used by Governor Pawlenty of Minnesota. It is a very useful concept and the heart of this book. Their argument is that the family is a crucial institution for the lower income and less educated American. They discuss how the family, as an institution, has been badly damaged in the past 40 years and they offer suggestions on how to undo some of the damage.

    The first three chapters are probably the best and summarize the history of attempted Republican reforms that would attract the working class voter to form a new coalition after the Roosevelt New Deal coalition broke up in the 1960s. They point out that, after 30 years of steady progress, wages for working class people stagnated beginning about 1973. They say little about the high inflation of the Carter years but I remember it well and think it deserves more emphasis because of its terrible effect on affordability of home ownership.

    They point out, as does David Frum, that the high crime, high inflation and stagnant economy of the 70s were all mostly solved during the Reagan era and, following that, the working class had less affinity for the Republican party of George Bush. Their analysis of the attraction of Ross Perot for the working class voter was insightful and explains much. They point out that the Clinton years were actually quite conservative although I would give more credit to the Republican Congress after 1994 than they do. I agree that the impeachment frenzy was a terrible error and forced Clinton to the left as he sought allies.

    They are quite complimentary to George W Bush's domestic agenda and the 9/11 attacks probably harmed the Republican Party by bringing a preoccupation with the war on radical Islam that diverted it from a realignment on domestic issues. They quote Bush as saying essentially that the war trumped all the domestic issues. That worked until the war began to go sour in 2005. From Chapter six on, the book is about suggested solutions, many of which are innovative and worth consideration.

    I was disappointed with their chapter on health care because they use the French system as an example of how not to reform it. They misstate the principle of the French system which is that the patient pays the doctor in a fee-for-service transaction, then is reimbursed by the health plan, a non-profit corporation regulated by the government, at a 75% rate. For some service, the reimbursement is less and the patient has the option of purchasing coinsurance, like our "MediGap" policies, to cover the remaining 25%. There are a number of technological efficiencies that American doctors would love to see. The fee schedule is low for French doctors but medical education is free and doctors have the option to bill more than the government fee schedule. It is an interesting program to study and a possible alternative to the Canadian-style single payer system favored by the American left. They complain about the drain of the French health system on the economy but it uses about 10% of the GDP, whereas our own health care consumes over 16%. The French economy is harmed by the cost of the welfare state and the regulation of employment. If we could get to 10% of our economy for health care, it would save many billions. Health care is the single biggest issue for "Sam's Club voters" and should be a major focus for the Republican Party. I was disappointed to see this error. The French system is pluralistic, like ours, and a useful model to study. It is also the best health care system in Europe and probably the world. I should add that I am a physician with 40 years of private practice and a graduate degree in health care policy.

    This book is a valuable addition to the debate on where the Republican Party goes over the next few years whether John McCain is elected or not. The best parts are its analysis of where we have been and how some opportunities were missed. I agree with the basic premise that the high income investor classes and education elites are no longer the base of the Republican Party. They are more concerned with life-style and cultural issues and are confident they can evade the additional taxes that President Obama has in mind. The natural base for the Republicans is now made up of traditional families, the people described in "The Millionaire Next Door," and potential middle class voters who need a fairer system to climb the ladder of success. These authors have many ideas on how to accomplish this that are worth the price of the book.
    63 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 30, 2008
    Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
    There is the sentence located on page 18 that should blow your mind: "It was that the Roosevelt majority helped to save the ideal of a self-sufficient working class, which had been central to American life from the beginning." Wow, my jaw dropped to the ground. Ross Douthat and Reihan Salam have regrettably swallowed the argument advanced by the vastly overrated historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. that Roosevelt somehow saved American capitalism. This myth has done enormous damage---and is easily refutable. Amity Shlaes has written The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression and demolished the conventional wisdom concerning Roosevelt's disastrous New Deal policies that worsened the national economy.

    The authors never mention the deleterious impact of the MSM daily slandering of conservatives. Is this because they desire to be perceived as "hip and with it" and sophisticated? Are truly cool people who attended elite academic institutions like Harvard University supposed to pretend that media bias does not exist? Yes, it may indeed be true that 73 percent of all Americans in 2007 believed "today it's really true that the rich get richer while the poor get poorer"---but this viewpoint is utterly nonsensical! Are Republicans therefore obligated to support inane and damaging economic policies merely because they are popular? Why not instead focus on educating middle-of-the-road voters? In the long run, after all, this is what must be done. There is also the matter of envy that this book conveniently overlooks. The left-wing intelligentsia is deliberately pursuing a policy to make sure less affluent Americans are envious and embittered by "inequality." Peter Schweizer's new book, Makers and Takers: Why conservatives work harder, feel happier, have closer families, take fewer drugs, give more generously, value honesty more, are less materialistic and goes into much detail regarding this morally reprehensible activity. Grand New Party does not deserve five stars. However, you should get acquainted with its main themes. Douthat and Salam must be thanked for helping conservatives to better understand the challenges of our present era. They may not have earned three cheers, but two is still a worthy accomplishment. Go ahead and buy a copy. It will give you a lot to think about.
    10 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on August 17, 2010
    Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
    "Grand New Party" provides some great background and good policy ideas. The key idea is to put families, and particularly working families at the center of policy decisions. Douthat and Salam label the New Deal as "conservative" not because it was economically, but because it was socially. They then work through a number of areas where tweaked policies could empower families.

    I consider myself a conflicted conservative. I don't see much in the current political environment that is promising, but I think that ultimately conservative ideas are better than liberal ones. The problem is that no one expresses them well and other conservatives seem more interested in race-baiting, xenophobia, and death panel type distractions from the real issues. It's nice to know that a couple of conservative wonks can produce a work like this. But it'd be a lot nicer if the politicians actually debated the merits of the ideas.
    10 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries

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  • M. McManus
    5.0 out of 5 stars How to win blue collar America
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 22, 2013
    Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
    This book looks in detail at how the Republican Party has failed to take the opportunity to cement the working class/blue collar vote. The authors argue that whilst previous Republican Presidents, as varied as Nixon and George Bush have made tentative attempts to do so, none have ever managed to quite give the working class enough of an economic incentive to keep voting for them. This failure has meant that election are often contested in the middle classes, and thus are much closer. This has the effect of the working class being neglected even more, as pollsters chase the middle class vote. The authors argue that pragmatic reform of the health care system, cracking down on inner city crime, engaging with people who are on welfare but want to get off it and focussing on job creation would attract the working class into the Republican fold.
  • Cliente de Amazon
    3.0 out of 5 stars Los problemas del Partido Republicano
    Reviewed in Mexico on March 30, 2017
    Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
    El triunfo de Barack Obama en las elecciones de 2008 hizo evidente, para los autores de libro, la necesidad de que el Partido Republicano revisará sus estrategias para lograr recuperar el apoyo de la clase trabajadora. Sus observaciones apuntan a las debilidades que Donald Trump utilizó en su discurso anti establishement, el cual le acarreó un número de votos suficiente para ganar las elecciones de 2016.
    Report
  • M Clark
    3.0 out of 5 stars A path not followed for the GOP
    Reviewed in Germany on September 7, 2016
    Format: KindleVerified Purchase
    This book from 2008 tries to lay out a path forward for the Republican party that would allow them to win over the "Sams Club" Americans in the working class. It begins with a summary of initiatives since the New Deal concluding with several compliments for the policies of the George W Bush. It then concludes with policy proposals in a number of areas.

    Reading this book eight years after it was published is revealing since virtually none of these proposals was adopted by the GOP. Instead, they turned themselves into the "Party of No" doing nothing to help any of their constituents outside of the 1%. The book is still worth reading, especially for Democrats since it includes some good starting points for policies in several areas. It can also serve as a call to action for Democrats to do more for Sams Club voters