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One Hell of a Gamble: Khrushchev, Castro, and Kennedy, 1958-1964: The Secret History of the Cuban Missile Crisis Paperback – August 17, 1998
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Based on classified Soviet archives, including the files of Nikita Khrushchev and the KGB, "One Hell of a Gamble" offers a riveting play-by-play history of the Cuban missile crisis from American and Soviet perspectives simultaneously.
No other book offers this inside look at the strategies of the Soviet leadership. John F. Kennedy did not live to write his memoirs; Fidel Castro will not reveal what he knows; and the records of the Soviet Union have long been sealed from public view: Of the most frightening episode of the Cold War--the Cuban Missile Crisis--we have had an incomplete picture. When did Castro embrace the Soviet Union? What proposals were put before the Kremlin through Kennedy's back-channel diplomacy? How close did we come to nuclear war? These questions have now been answered for the first time. This important and controversial book draws the missing half of the story from secret Soviet archives revealed exclusively by the authors, including the files of Nikita Khrushchev and his leadership circle. Contained in these remarkable documents are the details of over forty secret meetings between Robert Kennedy and his Soviet contact, records of Castro's first solicitation of Soviet favor, and the plans, suspicions, and strategies of Khrushchev. This unique research opportunity has allowed the authors to tell the complete, fascinating, and terrifying story of the most dangerous days of the last half-century.- Print length420 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherW. W. Norton & Company
- Publication dateAugust 17, 1998
- Dimensions6.2 x 1.2 x 9.3 inches
- ISBN-109780393317909
- ISBN-13978-0393317909
- Lexile measure1420L
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Editorial Reviews
Amazon.com Review
Aleksandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali have taken advantage of recent unrestricted access to Soviet records and performed painstaking detective work to fill the gaps in the historical record. Some of the tension of the narrative is lost, because we know the outcome; even so, they give penetrating insights as they reconstruct the drama step by step. We learn that the Kremlin did seriously consider launching a nuclear attack on the U.S.: the appropriate orders were discussed and Khrushchev spent the night of October 22 in his office so he could be on hand to cable his authorization. Some of the most interesting facts to emerge, however, are those concerning John F. Kennedy and his brother Robert. JFK had always previously been portrayed as something of a parochial gung-ho type, but this, it emerges, was merely a public persona designed to appease the Pentagon hawks. At the same time JFK was talking about a Cuban invasion, he and his brother were engaging in a more secret policy of appeasement through the Soviet ambassador. Fortunately for all of us, diplomacy won the day. In recent years, JFK has been somewhat discredited as a leader for his unpleasant sexual carryings-on and corruption. It may just be that this view is as incomplete as his portrayal as the saintly "King of Camelot". If so, One Hell of a Gamble could be the first stage in his partial rehabilitation. --John Crace, Amazon.co.uk
Review
A magnificent achievement. ["One Hell of a Gamble"] is scholarly without being pedantic, full of revelations, and frightening. -- Los Angeles Times
An absorbing, at times riveting, inside tour of the highest echelons of three governments. -- Philadelphia Inquirer
The story takes on the elements of great theater as it moves to its denouement. -- New York Times Book Review
About the Author
Timothy Naftali, a frequent contributor to Slate and NPR, is director of the federal Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. He lives in Los Angeles, California.
Product details
- ASIN : 0393317900
- Publisher : W. W. Norton & Company (August 17, 1998)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 420 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9780393317909
- ISBN-13 : 978-0393317909
- Lexile measure : 1420L
- Item Weight : 1.45 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.2 x 1.2 x 9.3 inches
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JFK, and Attorney General Kennedy, have always gotten well deserved great marks for the handling of the crisis, but the book shows us some errors on the U.S. side, as well as the Soviet side, in the run up towards crisis. For those looking for cheerleading this is not the book for you. The authors points to a conversation between JFK and Khrushchev son in law Aleksei Adzhubei that likely set off alarm bells in the Kremlin: JFK, in a record of the conversation in Kremlin archives, told Adzhubei a story.
"Kennedy: 'At the time I called Allen Dulles into my office and dressed him down. I told him: you should learn from the Russians. When they had difficulties in Hungary, they liquidated the conflict in three days. When they did not like things in Finland, the president of that country goes to visit the Soviet premier in Siberia and all is worked out. But you, Dulles, have never been capable of doing that.' ”
Giving the Soviets the idea that Cuba might be comparable to Hungary, and subject to U.S. invasion on the basis of "sphere of influence" politics might not have been the best idea in a conversation designed to impart the thoughts of the U.S. President in a "backchannel" conversation.
"Despite his keen interest in foreign affairs, in the spring of 1962, John Kennedy had no idea of the dangerous shifts taking place in the Kremlin’s understanding of the balance of power. He would have been surprised to learn that Khrushchev was as pessimistic about the Soviet Union’s international position as he was about that of the United States."
Khrushchev made multiple errors of his own, including buying into the concept that the United States would not detect the Cuban missile build up until it was too late to act. The book covers the fact that even back then intelligence bureaucracies would tell the powers that be what they wanted to hear.
"The Soviet Union’s chief military representative in Cuba, Major General A. A. Dementyev, raised this issue with Rodion Malinovsky before the Presidium conditionally approved the Anadyr plan. “It will be impossible to hide these missiles from American U-2s,” Dementyev warned the Soviet defense minister. The comment provoked an angry response from Malinovsky. According to Alekseev, who was sitting nearby, the defense minister kicked Dementyev under the table to register his disapproval. The defense minister, perhaps like his patron Khrushchev, clung to the thesis that U.S. intelligence would not detect the missiles until it was too late to do anything about them."
The Soviets also had to deal with an unruly Fidel Castro, who had to be pacified, politically, in the run up to the crisis, and during the crisis itself. Those interactions are covered, in some detail, in the book. They are of great interest historically, and certainly lend a greater understanding of the events leading up to the crisis, and the pressures Khrushchev faced on his side.
The movement of the U.S. Jupiters based in Turkey were in fact an integral part of the solution. The book shows us the acceptance, by JFK, of the functional equivalence of the Cuban deployment with the U.S. deployment in Turkey. The wink and nod given to the Soviet government on the ultimate removal of the U.S. Jupiters is covered, as JFK covered his political flank by not making that trade-off explicit.
A great book that brings a fuller historical understanding and wider context to the Cuban Missile crisis. It brings us all the way to Dallas, and to the removal of Khrushchev after the assassination of JFK. If this era is of interest it comes highly recommended.
I never realized that the Cuban Missile Crisis had been that grave.
President Kennedy should have openly and emphatically declared his defense of our American way of life, and that we would not tolerate a communist and Soviet client state on our doorstep. Our culture and economy that emphasize freedom of the individual and entrepreneurial initiative, despite its inconsistencies, was and is vastly superior in every way to communism, the most hideous doctrine that ever contaminated the human race. I am not sure that Mr Kennedy agreed with that assessment.
The Soviet thugs, Khrushchev chief among them, defended their brutal system, righteously confident that they held the high moral ground. Contrast this with Kennedy’s waffling defense of that meaningless political bromide, “our sphere of influence.” Castro and his gang should have been openly and indignantly removed by American armed forces at the first sign that Castro was assigning only communists to his government. This could have been achieved with very little loss to the United States if executed when Castro was still weak. Instead we had to endure the humiliation of the Bay of Pigs, guaranteed to be a fiasco because it was clandestinely and poorly planned and then betrayed by the Kennedy administration who after the fiasco deflected blame to the CIA. Much later we had to face the grim alternative of a much more deadly invasion, possibly against nuclear weapons aimed at our unsuspecting soldiers.
The high stakes game played out by the political actors on this world stage resembles a school yard bravado between a couple of boys, not a little like a pissing contest. It is appalling that such mediocre minds were gambling with the lives of tens of millions of people.
The misunderstandings and miscommunications so apparent on each side of this crisis parallels the unconscionable and self righteous arrogance that precipitated WWI. The prelude to that much earlier catastrophe is shot through with almost unbelievable stupidity at the highest levels of authority, a tragedy that cost the lives of twenty-five million people and led directly to the bloodiest and most brutal century of all time. The Cuban Missile Crisis could have been even worse. And for what? Surely throughout the world we are allowing the wrong people to gain authority.
The second and third authorities in the American political hierarchy are the Vice President and the Secretary of State, respectively at the time Lyndon Johnson and Dean Rusk. Bobby Kennedy’s name appears on virtually every page of this book while Johnson’s name does not show up until page 212 in a brief mention about a letter written to him from Kennedy. A major crisis is unfolding and instead of the president including his VP in the crucial meetings, he sends him a letter? Johnson is not mentioned again until page 340 in the aftermath of the Kennedy assassination. Rusk’s name pops up here and there almost in passing as if he mattered very little if at all. Bobby Kennedy was effectively the unelected Vice President, Secretary of State, Attorney General and chief advisor to his brother.
My already low opinion of politicians was reduced still further after reading this book. And I have never shared the public esteem of Saint John Kennedy.
John Kennedy had just slammed the lid on the Russians. Khrushchev was blustering and threatening. John Kennedy was serious, we were serious, the US Navy was serious, and hundreds of thousands of US Military Personnel were serious. JFK had just slammed the nuclear lid on the Russians.
Of course, I know how that turned out. But this book gave me insight into everything that went on with all three sides of this conflict. Excellent recital of all of the public and secret details of what really happened.
I highly recommend it.





