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To Renew America Paperback – January 1, 1996
- Print length10 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHarpercollins
- Publication dateJanuary 1, 1996
- Dimensions4.25 x 0.75 x 6.75 inches
- ISBN-100061095397
- ISBN-13978-0061095399
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Product details
- Publisher : Harpercollins (January 1, 1996)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 10 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0061095397
- ISBN-13 : 978-0061095399
- Item Weight : 5.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 4.25 x 0.75 x 6.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #5,130,599 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

NEWT GINGRICH is the former House Speaker and 2012 Presidential Candidate. Gettysburg, Pearl Harbor and To Save America: Stopping Obama's Secular-Socialist Machine are three of his 14 New York Times bestsellers. He is a regular guest on national political shows.
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He begins the treatise with a terse description of his childhood years in Orleans, France. Living in Orleans while his father worked with American Communications Forces, Newt familiarized himself with the Fourth Republic's post-war social and governmental affairs. He recounts the events which led to his early interest in military history, politics, and the fate of civilizations; as well as detailing what books transformed much of his outlook on the developing world.
Written with style, clarity, and candor, the Former Speaker of the House addresses virtually every issue confronting the American taxpayer. Similar to other treatises of 21st century American government, "To Renew America" is destined to reshape the conventional views of many Americans about Government structure and efficiency.
For those who wish to understand Republican thought, there is no need to look any further. Its central tenet is covered in the book's following statement: "No matter how clean or dirty our water may be, no matter how many industrial accidents we may or may not have, if we have to live in a society in which citizens constantly feel harassed, then the whole point of a free society is lost." Now, whether this is a rational assumption, or whether it is imaginary, I leave in the middle. But many people feel that the cardinal problem of the United States today is the perceived federal encroachment on people's rights.
Interestingly, we may conclude that policy-wise the former Speaker's ideas today are largely consistent with those espoused in 1995. At a time when opinions seem to change as mere fancies, consistency may not be regarded as a virtue per se, but it may well be regarded refreshing. Gingrich narrates in detail the story for which he is rightfully remembered in the history books; his role in the "Contract with America," a plan to reform (renew, Gingrich would say) the Government that may or may not have resulted in the sweep of Congress in 1994. The Speaker still fights against the same professed status quo he describes in this book.
In some parts, the book offers an endearing portrait. We find how Gingrich came of age in France (yes, this may be surprising for a man whose ad campaign vilifies Romney for speaking French), Germany, and the US, and how he's optimistic about and ready for the future. His sense of optimism about the "Third Wave"--the transition from the Industrial Age to the Information Age--and America's role in it, is inspiring. Seventeen years after the fact, however, we must come to the conclusion that some of Gingrich's ideas today may only be amusing. For instance, the notion that the Information Revolution, unlike the Industrial one, would result in "breaking up...big corporations, big unions, big government" has not come to fruition. To the contrary.
Also, seventeen years after, we must think peculiar a passage offered: "Afghanistan was an intensely armed country...and the Soviets found it impossible to break their spirit of freedom," a spirit of freedom that supposedly is embodied in the right to bear arms. And seventeen years later, we know that it was not "Marianne," as the dedication in the book reads, "who made it all worthwhile."
The annoying part of the book is as obvious as any. Of course, I would almost say, in rhetorical works like these, we are offered a straw man figure of the opponent, in this case "the liberal democrats." Indeed, the overuse of the article 'the' should make us believe that all democrats are liberal. It is passages such as "our liberal friends believe the bureaucrats deserve the money more than the parents," or "We believe the family budget is primary, the liberal Democrats believe the federal budget comes first," and, "liberals are antigun but not anti-violent criminal" that are at best unnecessary and do not contribute to a greater understanding.
Likewise, his sense of a uniform, monological history, as much as it is understandable for a work like this, is flawed. It cannot be said, the least with any certainty, that from "1607 until 1965...there was a clear sense of what it meant to be an American." Such reductionism, such simplicity we should not expect from an historian (of course it fits neatly the "story of decline," as defined in Policy Paradox: The Art of Political Decision Making, Revised Edition. Likewise, the final sentence of the book, fits the rhetoric, but doesn't have any substance: "To renew or to decay. At no time in the history of our great nation has the choice been clearer," reduces America's grand history and offers nothing more than a 'Hobson's choice.'
The major themes of this book are about implementing limited, common sense government, having faith in the local community to make decisions and solve problems, using personal responsibility, and shifting power from the federal government to the people.
To my surprise, Gingrich talks of his love of animals and the environment with great detail in this book. To listen to the media and left-wing journalists, one would think Gingrich only cared about drilling for oil in Yellowstone national park. Read his book and you'll see it's not true.

