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The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone First Edition

4.5 4.5 out of 5 stars 52 ratings

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What role should America play in the world? What key challenges face us in the century to come, and how should we define our national interests? These questions have been given electrifying new significance in the wake of the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001.
Not since Rome has any nation had so much economic, cultural, and military power, but that power is still not enough to solve global problems like terrorism, environmental degradation, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction without involving other nations. In
The Paradox of American Power, Joseph S. Nye, Jr. focuses on the rise of these and other new challenges and explains clearly why America must adopt a more cooperative engagement with the rest of the world.
The threat of terrorism, Nye argues, is merely the most alarming example of why we must engage in constructive relations with other nations weak and strong. Now more than ever, as technology spreads and non-governmental organizations ranging from transnational corporations to terrorists increase their power, American leadership must reorient itself toward the global community. Further, for many key issues--from international financial stability to drug smuggling and global climate change to terrorism--military power alone cannot ensure success and at times may undermine rather than enhance our objectives. Nye argues convincingly that in the coming century the U.S. will rely less on our military might and more on the power that derives from the appeal of our culture, values and institutions, what he calls our "soft power." But this soft power cannot flourish in a climate in which the U.S. is viewed as selfish and motivated only by self-interest.
The Paradox of American Power contains the essential roadmap for maintaining America's power and reducing its vulnerability in the years to come. Sure to be controversial, it's a must read for anyone wishing to understand the complicated world in which we suddenly find ourselves.

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Editorial Reviews

From Publishers Weekly

"Unilateralism, arrogance, and parochialism" the U.S. must abandon these traits in a post-Sept. 11 world, says Nye, former assistant secretary of defense and now dean of Harvard's Kennedy School of Government. He explains eloquently the principles he believes should govern American foreign policy in the decades ahead. His starting point is the preponderance of American power in today's world. Nye distinguishes between hard power (military and economic strength) and soft power (openness, prosperity and similar values that persuade and attract rather than coerce others). Nye argues that a dominant state needs both kinds of power, and that the current information revolution and the related phenomenon of globalization call for the exercise of soft more than hard power. It is, Nye believes, dangerous for the U.S. systematically to opt out of treaties and conventions endorsed by the great majority of nations. The U.S. should participate in world debate on transnational issues such as global warming and nuclear defense, not simply declare American interests paramount to the exclusion of all other views. Nye quotes a summarizing insight from a French critic: "nothing in the world can be done without the United States, [A]nd... there is very little the United States can achieve alone." As the author points out, in the aftermath of September 11, the policy issues this book addresses are magnified rather than diminished in importance. This reasoned and timely essay on the uses of power makes a valuable contribution to American public discourse. (Mar.)Forecast: Blurbs by Madeleine Albright and Henry Kissinger highlight that this should be required reading for foreign policy wonks. Oxford is backing this with a $50,000 marketing budget and is counting on major media attention. Still, whether this finds a wider audience may depend on whether Americans' interest in the world at large survives six months after September 11.

Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information, Inc.

From Booklist

Nye, former assistant secretary of defense under Clinton and current dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, offers a prescription for America's new role in the world that calls for a broader, more responsible, and cooperative relationship with the rest of the world. Nye sees September 11 as a "wake-up call" to Americans that negates our decade-long sense of invincibility and invulnerability in the wake of the invisible power now held by NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) and stealthy terrorist organizations. The main instigator of this dissipation of traditional American power is the technological revolution, which has been diffusing power away from governments during the post-Soviet decade and thus empowering individuals and groups to act globally in ways that were previously the domain of governments. Nye calls upon the U.S. to counter these forces by the use of "soft power," by which he means, for instance, a more focused and intelligent use of new forms of mass communications. A very thoughtful look ahead at American power through this century. Allen Weakland
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Oxford University Press; First Edition (March 7, 2002)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 240 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0195150880
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0195150889
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.25 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 9.4 x 1 x 6.2 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.5 4.5 out of 5 stars 52 ratings

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4.5 out of 5 stars
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Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on June 20, 2006
    Nye has produced a brilliant and concise plea for American humility in The Paradox of American Power. The central thesis of the book is that the ideas and concepts of power are changing and that ultimately, the U.S. is going to have to adjust to these changes if it wishes to remain "the" country in the world.

    The first chapter covers familiar territory for Nye witha a discussion of power, particularly what Nye calls soft power or the power of ideas and culture. In this chapter, Nye convincingly states that there is more to power than just a strong military and that the U.S. has to cultivate its soft power as well. Nye also discusses potential competitors here, such as China and Europe and how these countries could challenge the U.S.

    Chapters two and three discuss the emergence of an information revolution and globalization, respectively, and how both of these phenomena can and will change the global environment. Nye is making the case for how the U.S. can stay on top, and while some might fault him for that, this book is not a call for U.S. dominance to the detriment of others; it is a call for a more responsible and responsive U.S. that will benefit the vast majority of other countries.

    Chapter four deals with domestic issues such as the economy and education and how these issues could potentially undermine American power. Chapter five concludes the book with the theme of redefining the national interest. This final chapter is particularly helpful because it provides real ideas for what the U.S. should be doing in the world and how doing it will benefit us in the long run. That is perhaps the most impressive idea he articulates in this book...that we should do all we can now to create a world that will be more congenial to our basic values in preparation for a time when we might not have the level of power and influence we have now.

    Even though Nye barely mentions it, the ultimate validation of this book is to look at what's happening in Iraq. It is clearly a problem the U.S. can't handle on its own and one that has been made worse because the types of recommendations that Nye makes have been ignored. The book is eerily prophetic when viewed through this particular lens. You could easily think that Nye was writing this book in 2005 or 2006 as a response to Iraq, rather than 2001-02. Nye's basic premise holds true here and that is that the U.S. will be better off if we can get other countries to want to help us.

    What stands out about this book the most to me is that it can be largely interpreted as a response to the Bush administration, but Nye hardly mentions Bush or specific Bush policies at all. Rather than producing just another boring and predictable polemic against Bush (who certainly deserves strong criticism), Nye has produced a wonderfully precise critique of post 9/11 American policy that blends pragmatism and realism in a way that reminds me of Noah Feldman (another great author I would highly recommend).

    The Paradox of American Power, while not necessarily an easy read, should still be read by anyone that cares about the direction American foreign policy is going. I feel better about our government knowing that someone like Nye was on the inside. Hopefully he'll find his way into an influential position in the McCain administration in 2009.
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  • Reviewed in the United States on April 19, 2002
    Not since Roman Empire has any nation had so much economic, cultural and military power, yet that power alone will not be sufficient to solve the world's problems.
    Joseph Nye, Dean of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, presents a three-pronged strategy for maintaining the United States' standing in the world while reducing its vulnerability in the years to come.
    He argues this power will last far into the 21st Century, but only if we learn to exercise it wisely. Power in this new century will rest on a mix of what he defines as "hard" and "soft" resources. The greatest mistake we can make as a world power is to allow ourselves to become the victim of one-dimensional analysis, believing that investment in military power alone with ensure our strength.
    Paying attention to "soft" power, the former Chairman of the National Intelligence Council and Assistant Defense Secretary in the Clinton Administration argues, will co-opt people rather than coerce them. Military and economic power can be used to influence or threaten other people and country's positions once they are taken. Soft power however, rests on the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes preferences.
    It is the ability to entice and attract. It stems, in large part, from our values -- the policies we follow inside our country and the way we handle ourselves abroad. It recognizes that power in the information age is less tangible and coercive.
    There is also a benefit to not going it alone. While an inequality of power, he says, has often led to peace, because there is no point in declaring war on a more powerful state, it causes some countries to chafe.
    Effective global governance requires a powerful state to take the lead. By encouraging or nourishing regional pockets of strength and acting with restraint or in combination with others, the impact of American power is softened. Whether other countries unite to balance American power depends as much on how the United States behaves as the power resources of the potential challengers.
    The key to maintaining American supremacy in the years ahead, Nye argues, will rest in our ability to share power as well as to lead.
    39 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on February 7, 2017
    Congratulations for the credibility you have, I wish the best you've never had.

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  • Ignacio Mascaró Zomosa
    5.0 out of 5 stars Me encantó
    Reviewed in Spain on December 12, 2020
    El libro se tardó aproximadamente 1 mes en llegar a España; el producto estaba en muy buen estado pero con mucho polvo, pero claramente se tienen que limpiar una vez que llegan. Sin dudas volvería a comprar con ellos.
  • Elmo
    5.0 out of 5 stars 2001年9月11日後の世界への指針
    Reviewed in Japan on May 31, 2002
     まだ前書き(Preface)しか読んでませんが (^_^;
     クリントン政権で国防次官補を勤めた、ジョセフ・ナイ、ハーバード大学ケネディースクール学長の書き下ろしです。筆者の主張は、本書の副題にあるように、冷戦終結後唯一の超大国となったアメリカ合衆国がなぜ一国ではやって行けないか、国際協調の重要性を力説するものです。2001年9月11日の同時多発テロをふまえて、近視眼的に国益を追求する米対外政策の一国主義、傲慢さ、偏狭性に警鐘を鳴らしています。
     本書でも前著Bound To Lead(邦題『不滅の大国アメリカ』)で展開したソフトパワーという概念を援用していますが、新しいキーワードは、情報革命とグローバル化です。冷戦の終結と相俟って、1990年代のアメリカは --- 日本の「失われた10年」とは対照的に --- 政治、軍事、経済、文化のほとんどすべての面で唯一の超大国となりました。しかし、ナイ教授は、情報革命とグローバル化の進展によって、国家から非国家へ、米国からその他の地域へパワーの拡散が起きつつあると喝破しております。テロリズムも、グローバリゼーションの一環である、戦争の「民営化(privatization)」の現れと指摘しています。こうした時代潮流の変化の中で、アメリカといえども一国では解決できない問題に直面しており、前著の題名をもじって、"we are not only bound to lead, but bound to cooperate"(我々は指導力を発揮するように運命づけられているだけでなく、協力するようにも運命づけられている)という議論を展開しています。
     国際政治学、安全保障論の専門家だけでなく、21世紀の国際関係に関心を持つすべての方にお勧めしたい好著です。英文は平易ですが、おそらく翻訳も出ると思います。