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The Great Arab Conquests: How the Spread of Islam Changed the World We Live In Hardcover – September 11, 2007

4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 210 ratings

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Today's Arab world was created at breathtaking speed. In just over one hundred years following the death of Mohammed in 632, Arabs had subjugated a territory with an east-west expanse greater than the Roman Empire, and they did it in about one-half the time. By the mid-eighth century, Arab armies had conquered the thousand-year-old Persian Empire, reduced the Byzantine Empire to little more than a city-state based around Constantinople, and destroyed the Visigoth kingdom of Spain. The cultural and linguistic effects of this early Islamic expansion reverberate today. This is the first popular English-language account in many years of this astonishing remaking of the political and religious map of the world. Hugh Kennedy's sweeping narrative reveals how the Arab armies conquered almost everything in their path, and brings to light the unique characteristics of Islamic rule. One of the few academic historians with a genuine talent for story telling, Kennedy offers a compelling mix of larger-than-life characters, fierce battles, and the great clash of civilizations and religions.
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4.3 out of 5 stars
210 global ratings

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Customers say

Customers find the book informative and well-researched. They appreciate the clear writing style and clean internal structure. The book is described as enjoyable to read despite being a history book. Readers mention that the book begins well and ends well, with robust yet not too overwhelming chapters.

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32 customers mention "Information quality"25 positive7 negative

Customers find the book informative and well-researched. They say it covers an important topic that every Westerner should know about. The book provides accurate descriptions of events and is easy to follow, making it a great read for casual readers.

"...of St. Andrews in Scotland, tells us in this excellent and well-written book that there were more mundane reasons for this sudden expansion of the..." Read more

"...as interesting as the history itself, but the book opens with a long discourse on why we know as little as we do about the early days of Islam and..." Read more

"...Highly recommended for historians and armchair historians, and for those who seek a better understanding of the Near East." Read more

"Kennedy writes a book that focuses on the conquest of different regions, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Sogdiana, Transoxiana, Egypt, North Africa, Spain, and..." Read more

14 customers mention "Readability"11 positive3 negative

Customers find the book's prose readable and clear. They appreciate the concise yet comprehensive overview and the clean internal structure with robust yet not overwhelming chapters. The author does a masterful job putting it together using the records of the conquered.

"...But he has done a masterful job putting it together, using the records of the conquered...." Read more

"...the Sassanid and Byzantine Empires were wealthy, powerful and well-organized; that their vast holdings in present-day Iraq, Iran, the Levant and..." Read more

"...The internal structure of the book is very clean, with robust yet not too overwhelming chapters for each of the geographical areas of conquest...." Read more

"...If you can get through the pedantry and sometimes awkward and difficult syntax, and long lists of meaningless geneologies and constant use of..." Read more

10 customers mention "Enjoyment"10 positive0 negative

Customers find the book enjoyable to read. They describe it as an interesting and informative synthesis of history. The book is considered a work of first-rate scholarship that offers a succinct yet comprehensive account. However, some readers feel the writing style is heavy and pedantic.

"...at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland, tells us in this excellent and well-written book that there were more mundane reasons for this sudden..." Read more

"Fascinating, informative, and interesting, but poorly written in a heavy, pedantic, academic style...." Read more

"...Although thoroughly vetted and undeniably accurate, unless one is of the academic persuasion, this tome should only be approached with caution for..." Read more

"...Overall great book!" Read more

7 customers mention "Pacing"7 positive0 negative

Customers find the book's pacing good. They say it provides an excellent account of the Arab conquests, with robust yet not too overwhelming chapters for each geographical area. The writing is clear and devoid of jargon.

"...structure of the book is very clean, with robust yet not too overwhelming chapters for each of the geographical areas of conquest...." Read more

"The Great Arab Conquests began well and ended well, unfortunately there were large swaths of the body that dragged on with menial useless information..." Read more

"...eastern & western languages, it is clearly written and it is devoid of the jargon that infects much contemporary history...." Read more

"The Great Arab Conquests by H. Kennedy is a fair and a balanced review of the Arab conquests...." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on November 5, 2007
    After the death of Mohammed in 632 and up to the Battle of Poitiers in 732, Arab Muslim armies conquered a swath of land that extended from Spain and Portugal in the West to what is now Afghanistan and Pakistan in the East. Our traditional understanding of these events is that a group of Muslim fanatics were hell-bent (pardon the expression) on proselytizing others to their faith. Hugh Kennedy, professor of history at the University of St. Andrews in Scotland, tells us in this excellent and well-written book that there were more mundane reasons for this sudden expansion of the realm: the quest for the spoils of war. Religious conversion was not yet a factor that would come two to three hundred years later.

    This story is told in chronological and geographical order, moving outward from Mecca and Medina. Kennedy reminds us that many of his sources are unreliable and unclear since they were written by the victors. But he has done a masterful job putting it together, using the records of the conquered. His knowledge of Arabic is evident throughout this book.

    How did a group of disorganized Bedouins without military weapons or martial tradition create such a large Empire? In the beginning, Kennedy tells us that it was mainly due to the weakness and decline of the immediate surrounding empires. Byzantium, which controlled Syria and Palestine, and Sassanid Persia, which controlled what is now Iraq and Iran, had exhausted themselves fighting each other. When the Arab armies arrived, they were met with little resistance.

    Their mode of conquest was simple and time-honored. First, they defeated the army, then they besieged the population centers, giving them a choice of paying tribute and allegiance or facing death. Conquered peoples invariably chose the former. Arab administrators wisely left existing structures and traditions in place. They established a very tolerant and multicultural Empire. ( For more on empires and tolerance, read Amy Chua's Day of Empire: How Hyperpowers Rise to Global Dominance--and Why They Fall.) They were tolerant of Christianity in the West and Hinduism in the East. During the 100 years covered in this book, Egypt remained Coptic-speaking and Christian, and Persia remained Pahlavi-speaking and Zoroastrian. It was not until much later that the Arabic language and Muslim faith took hold.

    The conquests were driven by the quest for booty to satisfy the growing Arab-controlled armies. Since Muslims were forbidden to fight each other, according to Kennedy, they constantly sought out new lands and peoples to conquer.

    This may shed light on the present condition of the Middle East. Now we know that Muslims do fight each other and that Islam in its current form in Iran and Saudi Arabia has very little tolerance of different faiths. During the period covered in this book, Kennedy does not say much about inter-Muslim and inter-Arab conflicts; apparently, there weren't many. There may have been greater harmony within during a time of tolerance of outside cultures. For those Arabs today who mourn the loss of the Empire and feel humiliation and inferiority at the hands of the West, they would do well to study the lessons of this book. Tolerance of other cultures and religions - not rigidity and exclusion - is the key to greatness and power.
    58 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on January 24, 2021
    Four stars if you're REALLY into history; not recommended if you aren't. Rarely if ever is historiography as interesting as the history itself, but the book opens with a long discourse on why we know as little as we do about the early days of Islam and why it expanded so rapidly. These conquests erupted at just the right time, as the Persian and Byzantine empires slid into senescence. The personalities of the conquerers could be quite colorful, and their attitude toward the vanquished ranged from murderous to amazingly tolerant and light-handed. The book ends with the defeat at Poitiers, though Islam continued to (and still does) expand. In the long run, for some the book might puddle into a welter of names and places, but its comprehensive scope allows the reader to scan a few pages at a time without losing the thread. Some talent, that.
    5 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on December 20, 2024
    This book goes over the Arabic invasions of the middle east as the men spread Islam throughout it. It helps to know how the Muslims treated other people and how they fared after the death of the prophet, Muhammad.
  • Reviewed in the United States on August 25, 2008
    In 680, an Iraqi monk asked (I am paraphrasing) "How is it the Arabs created such an enormous empire (by 744 it would stretch from the Pyrenees to the Hindu-Kush) so quickly?" Hugh Kennedy answers this in _The Great Arab Conquests_. His conclusions may surprise you.

    Kennedy begins with an introduction to Arabia before Mohammed, giving context to the social and political climate of the people who would embark on this wide-spread conquest. Following the death of Mohammed in 632, Kennedy explains the motives behind Islam's expansion outside Arabia. At the risk of oversimplifying a well-researched and well-written account, it was primarily due to opportunities for individual glory and wealth, not religious zeal, as one might expect.

    What is most interesting, perhaps, is not the "why" behind the expansion, but the "how". Afterall, the Sassanid and Byzantine Empires were wealthy, powerful and well-organized; that their vast holdings in present-day Iraq, Iran, the Levant and Egypt would collapse so quickly was far from a given. Kennedy does an outstanding job of illlustrating this, as well. To briefly touch on a few points: both the Byzantines and Sassanids had exhausted themselves from warfare between them, and their constituent populations saw the Arab invaders as "liberators". Additionally, the Muslims did not force Islam on the conquored - rather, they were primarily interested in collecting tribute (which, in some cases, was less than had been paid in taxes to either Byzantine or Sassanid overlords). Finally, there was a strong social component as well: Islam is egalitarian, giving the poor and dispossesed an opportunity to become one of the "conquoring" class.

    As Kennedy points out, there has been little scholarship around this question (historians are either Islamists, ancient historians or historians of the Middle Ages - this period of time straddles all three) and the available sources are not primary. Nonetheless, he has done a remarkable job in answering the question posed by this 7th century monk.

    The book was a little heavy on the military history for my taste, and I wanted to give it four stars. To be fair, however, conquoring is a function of the military, and the title clearly states its objective is the nature of Muslim conquest - therefore I can't fault the book on this point. I would also add that the maps are excellent, providing a useful tool to reference as you read Kennedy's narrative. Highly recommended for historians and armchair historians, and for those who seek a better understanding of the Near East.
    11 people found this helpful
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  • Scott
    5.0 out of 5 stars A History of the Arab Conquests
    Reviewed in Canada on January 24, 2022
    This book is written in about the Arab conquests in the early middle ages. It is written in a narrative style, and I found it very informative. The author acknowledges that lack of primary sources and the questionable nature of the primary sources that do exist for this time period. As a result of those issues, the Byzantine emperor of Heraclius is among the most (if not the most) mentions individuals in this book.

    With that said, I would not say that this book has informed me on “How the spread of Islam changed the world we live in”. Nor do I see the point in sending “a copy to the frat boys in the State Department”. This is history book which quotes a paragraph from Edward Gibbon’s “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” about the battle of Tours. This is a book for those who are interested in history (such as myself), I would speculate people who are interested in this book for religious or political science reasons, will find this book disappointing.
  • Tzefar
    5.0 out of 5 stars Perfection.
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 7, 2022
    The author is a very well versed and intelligent man, the conquests are put up in chapters with each area specifically but it’s not just battles but it also explains how the arab armies rather than the mongols didn’t become assimilated
  • Mario Sergio Porto (Autor)
    5.0 out of 5 stars Sucesso Islâmico: Fortuna ou Desdém dos adversários
    Reviewed in Brazil on March 2, 2020
    Uma coisa interessante, que se depreende da leitura, é a fortuna ou o conjunto de circunstâncias que socorre os árabes em algumas situações, sem as quais o mundo geopolítico seguiria em outra direção.

    Hugh Kennedy engrossa os defensores da hipótese de que as conquistas árabes foram iniciadas a partir de tribos nômades da península arábica, sem treinamento militar avançado, em contrapartida a outra corrente que afirma que os iniciadores foram tribos do norte e leste mais desenvolvidas, do Crescente Fértil, cujos territórios pertencem hoje àqueles correspondentes à Síria, Líbano, Palestina e Iraque nos dias de hoje.

    Assim como a Batalha de Tour, vencida por Charles Martel, em 732, evitou o avanço muçulmano na Europa, outras circunstâncias, em sentido contrário, favoreceram diversas vezes as conquistas dos árabes muçulmanos. Sem estes fatos circunstanciais seria difícil aos muçulmanos lograrem dominar tão vasta parte do mundo, em menos de um século.

    Um exemplo importante foi a conquista do Egito que, assim como no Irã e Iraque, os muçulmanos se beneficiaram de disputas locais. No caso do Egito, a disputa entre cristãos Monofisistas e Diofisistas, ou minoria Calcedônia, em particular a perseguição que o Império Bizantino fazia aos cristãos monofisistas a seu patriarca Benjamin, e o apoio à minoria calcedônia favoreceu aos muçulmanos. Existem fortes indícios históricos de que os Coptas Diofisistas ajudaram os muçulmanos contra os bizantinos.

    Sabemos o quanto o Egito foi e é importante, modernamente, como berço do radicalismo islâmico, a partir do movimento nacionalista egípcio, com a criação da Irmandade Muçulmana e dos livros e escritos pelo seu ideólogo Sayyid Qutb.

    Recomendo bastante o livro para quem se interessa pelas raízes do crescimento islâmico no mundo.
  • vishnu r
    2.0 out of 5 stars Two Stars
    Reviewed in India on October 17, 2015
    Good book.. just a few illustrations
  • S.M.
    4.0 out of 5 stars Comprendre une des conquêtes les plus importantes de l'histoire
    Reviewed in France on September 2, 2012
    Hugh Kennedy est professeur d'arabe à l'Ecole des études orientales et africaines de Londres. Il a été également professeur d'histoire médiévale à l'université St Andrews. Sa recherche se concentre sur le Moyen-Orient musulman, l'archéologie de l'islam et l'Espagne musulmane. Il a publié quantité d'ouvrages sur ces sujets depuis une trentaine d'années. Celui-ci, consacré à la période des grandes conquêtes des débuts de l'islam, comme l'indique le titre, est le dernier en date. Livre dense, plutôt descriptif, c'est la synthèse la plus récente pour comprendre comment les Arabes musulmans ont réussi à forger leur empire dans le premier siècle de l'islam, grosso modo.

    Comme il le rappelle dans sa préface, pour les vaincus, tels les Byzantins, le phénomène des grandes conquêtes musulmanes des VII-VIIIème siècle est incroyable. Un moine décrit ainsi, vers 680, l'arrivée des musulmans comme le juste châtiment divin pour les péchés commis par les chrétiens. Aujourd'hui, et ce que le livre se propose de faire, on cherche à mieux comprendre comment les Arabes ont réussi à vaincre plusieurs grands empires et à annexer une telle étendue de territoires en si peu de temps. Kennedy offre donc une description, d'abord, de la conquête, menée par des assaillants souvent inférieurs en nombre. Il propose ensuite de comprendre comment les vainqueurs, noyés dans une population vaincue plus nombreuse, conservent leur identité en procédant notamment à la conversion à l'islam de cette population. Enfin, il analyse la mémoire de la conquête à partir des sources arabes, plus dignes d'intérêt qu'on ne l'a dit malgré leur caractère postérieur, souvent de beaucoup, aux événements racontés. Le livre traite la période comprise entre la mort de Mahomet, en 632 -les musulmans avancent alors en dehors de la péninsule arabique-, et la fin du califat omeyyade, 750 -où les frontières du monde musulman sont à peu près établies pour plusieurs siècles. Comme le rappelle Kennedy, la particularité des conquêtes de l'islam n'est pas tant leur rapidité -d'autres conquêtes ont été aussi fulgurantes dans l'histoire- mais leur impact beaucoup plus durable sur la religion, la langue des terres conquises. Retracer cette période est difficile car elle est à la charnière entre l'Antiquité et le Moyen Age, est donc en partie négligée par l'historiographie. Par ailleurs les sources écrites sont rares et dans des langues parfois complexes à maîtriser (arabe, perse). Cependant Hugh Kennedy s'est attelé à la tâche. Il dépeint les phases de la conquête selon un plan à la fois géographique (Syrie-Palestine, Irak, Egypte) et chronologique, pour faciliter la compréhension du lecteur. On peut se demander cependant s'il n'aurait pas été plus judicieux de regrouper les campagnes contre les Byzantins et les Sassanides. Kennedy fait précéder son propos d'un état des lieux des sources et de la société arabe préislamique. Il s'appuie il est vrai, dans son travail, surtout sur les sources écrites et finalement assez peu sur l'archéologie, ce que l'on pourrait aussi lui reprocher.

    En 750, l'islam s'étend sur des frontières qui s'arrêtent pour près de 300 ans. En superficie et en population, c'est un empire comparable à l'Empire romain : l'empire chinois des Tang est son seul rival. A l'inverse du premier cependant, l'islam ne s'enferme pas derrière des frontières fortifiées, sauf exception -Anatolie contre les Byzantins, Espagne contre les royaumes chrétiens du nord. Il ne subit pas d'énormes pressions des voisins extérieurs à l'empire, il est économiquement auto-suffisant et confiant militairement. Aux IXème-Xème siècle, le monde musulman survit à la désintégration de son pouvoir central, chose que n'avait pas su faire l'Empire romain d'Occident du Vème siècle. Comment expliquer un tel succès ? Premier élément qui a joué : le déclin démographique que connaît le monde méditerranéen et moyen-oriental, en particulier après la réapparition de la peste bubonique vers 540. Il affaiblit la résistance et explique que certaines grandes cités -Antioche, Carthage pour l'Empire byzantin, Tolède en Espagne- se soient rendues sans combat ou presque. La dernière grande guerre byzantino-sassanide a affaibli l'Empire byzantin, ravageant un grand nombre de ses provinces, diminuant son contrôle sur les régions occupées par les Perses. La défaite sassanide contre Héraclius a entamé la fidélité à la dynastie perse, base de l'Etat, qui commence donc à décliner au moment de l'arrivée de l'islam. Par ailleurs, les Byzantins, après la mort d'Héraclius en 641, sont divisés par des luttes intestines pour le pouvoir et donc moins enclins à combattre les musulmans. De plus, la centralisation des deux empires, byzantin et perse, a joué contre eux : les Arabes ne sont pas perçus comme la menace principale et une fois que l'armée de campagne est détruite, les forces locales ne peuvent pas faire grand chose contre l'envahisseur. Les musulmans rencontrent davantage de résistance dans des régions où le pouvoir est fragmenté : Arménie, Transoxiane, montagnes cantabriques du nord de l'Espagne. Les musulmans profitent aussi de dissensions internes, notamment sur le plan religieux : les monophysites égyptiens, mais aussi les paysans irakiens opprimés par les Sassanides, ne sont pas fâchés de voir arriver les musulmans, sans forcément collaborer étroitement avec eux.

    Cependant les Arabes musulmans ne l'ont pas emporté seulement en raison des faiblesses de leurs adversaires. Les conquérants forment une armée bien organisée, et qui ne comprend pas beaucoup de civils. Cette armée est capable de se déplacer rapidement : les terres de l'islam couvrent, vers 750, 7000 km d'ouest en est ! L'existence rude des bédouins leur a permis de faire fi ou presque des contraintes logistiques, et de se montrer d'excellents combattants nocturnes. Les armées musulmanes sont commandées par des généraux compétents : Khald ibn al-Walid, Amr al-As, Tariq Ziyad, Musa Nusayr. Les califes supervisent les opérations de conquête, en particulier Omar, le deuxième des califes dit Rashidun (bien guidés). Il y a très peu de révoltes de gouverneurs ou de commandants d'armées, à l'inverse par exemple de l'Empire byzantin. En outre, les musulmans imposent des conditions très acceptables aux vaincus, contrairement aux Mongols du XIIIème siècle par exemple qui balaient tout sur leur passage. Lorsqu'ils s'installent, les conquérants le font en dehors des villes qui se sont rendues et en créent de nouvelles (Koufa, Bassora, Kairouan) ce qui évite les frictions avec les habitants. Certaines zones conquises ne voient pas arriver les conquérants, qui ont poursuivi leur marche en avant, avant plusieurs décennies, ce qui désarme les résistances. Les conversions forcées à l'islam sont très rares : c'est un processus beaucoup plus lent, par incitation fiscale, pour entrer dans l'administration ou l'armée ou faire partie de la nouvelle élite dirigeante. D'autant plus que dans ce premier siècle de conquête, la société musulmane reste très ouverte. Nusayr, le conquérant musulman de l'Espagne, est ainsi un ancien prisonnier de guerre de l'islam en Irak, converti à la nouvelle religion et nommé gouverneur d'Afrique du Nord. Contrairement aux peuples barbares qui détruisent l'Empire romain d'Occident mais adoptent la langue et la religion des vaincus, les Arabes, confiant dans leur culture, imposent leur langue, tout comme la conquête va imposer, en plusieurs siècles, l'islamisation. La conquête exercée dans le premier siècle de l'islam est donc bien le produit d'un extraordinaire concours de circonstances : celle d'une nouvelle foi portée par des bédouins sûrs d'eux-mêmes, partant à l'assaut d'un monde post-antique en mal d'identité et de moyens pour résister. Contrairement à ce que disait le moine de 680, rien n'était inéluctable ! Dans un chapitre à la fin de l'ouvrage présentant la voix des vaincus, Kennedy montre bien comment les points de vue divergent sur les musulmans : considérés par certains comme de véritables barbares, ou comme supérieurs aux Byzantins par d'autres !

    L'ouvrage se complète d'une bibliographie synthétique. Les cartes sont toutes situées au début du livre, ce qui n'est pas forcément pratique pour trouver toutes les localisations -il faut sans cesse revenir au début. Un livret photo central vient enrichir le texte de Kennedy.