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Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush Hardcover – April 6, 2004

4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 226 ratings

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The former cousel to President Nixon provides a stinging critique of the current Bush administration, its obsession with secrecy, and its willingness to deceive the American people, emphasizing the president's emphasis on image over substance, mistrustful personality, imperial governing and flawed decision making, and his abuses of national security secrecy. 75,000 first printing.

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Editorial Reviews

Amazon.com Review

The most facile presidential comparison one could make for George W. Bush would be his father, who presided over a war in Iraq and a struggling economy. Some "neocons" reject the parallel and compare Bush to his father's predecessor, Ronald Reagan, citing a plainspoken quality and a belief in deep tax cuts. But John Dean goes further back, seeing in Bush all the secrecy and scandal of Dean's former boss, the notorious Richard Nixon. The difference, as the title of Dean's book indicates, is that Bush is a heck of a lot worse. While the book provides insightful snippets of the way Nixon used to do business, it offers them to shed light on the practices of Bush. In Dean's estimation, the secrecy with which Bush and Dick Cheney govern is not merely a preferred system of management but an obsessive strategy meant to conceal a deeply troubling agenda of corporate favoritism and a dramatic growth in unchecked power for the executive branch that put at risk the lives of American citizens, civil liberties, and the Constitution. Dean sets out to make his point by drawing attention to several areas about which Bush and Cheney have been tight-lipped: the revealing by a "senior White House official" of the identity of an undercover CIA operative whose husband questioned the administration, the health of Cheney, the identity of Cheney's energy task force, the information requested by the bi-partisan 9/11 commission, Bush's business dealings early in his career, the creation of a "shadow government", wartime prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay, and scores more. He theorizes that the truth about these and many other situations, including the decision to go to war in Iraq, will eventually surface and that Bush and Cheney's secrecy is a thus far effective means of keep a lid on a rapidly multiplying set of lies and scandals that far outstrip the misdeeds that led directly to Dean's former employer resigning in disgrace. Dean's charges are impassioned and more severe than many of Bush's most persistent critics. But those charges are realized only after careful reasoning and steady logic by a man who knows his way around scandal and corruption. --John Moe

From Publishers Weekly

This title’s accusation bears particular weight coming from the man who warned the super-secretive Richard Nixon that there was a cancer on his presidency, and Dean, who was Nixon’s White House counsel, makes a strong argument that the secrecy of what he dubs the "Bush-Cheney presidency" is "not merely unjustified and excessive but obsessive," and consequently "frighteningly dangerous." Some of the subjects he touches on have been covered in detail elsewhere, and his chapter on the administration’s stonewalling of the September 11 commission isn’t fully up to date. But few critics have as effectively put the disparate pieces together, linking them to what Dean says is a broader pattern of secrecy from an administration that does its best to control the flow of information on every subject—even the vice president’s health—and uses executive privilege to circumvent congressional scrutiny. Dean’s probe extends back to Bush’s pre-presidential activities, such as his attempt to withhold his gubernatorial papers from public view, and Dean’s background as an investment banker adds welcome perspective on Bush’s business career (as well as Cheney’s). Dean ultimately identifies 11 issues (such as the secrecy around the forming of a national energy policy and what Dean calls Bush’s misleading of Congress about war with Iraq) on which the White House’s stance could lead to scandal, and warns that allowing the administration to continue its policy of secrecy may lead to a weakening of democracy. Despite occasional comments about Bush’s intelligence that will rankle presidential supporters, Dean (Blind Ambition) is generally levelheaded; his role in Watergate and the seriousness of his charge in the national media that Bush has committed impeachable offenses has popped this onto bestseller lists.
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Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Little, Brown and Company; 1st edition (April 6, 2004)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 272 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 031600023X
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0316000239
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 13.6 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.75 x 1 x 8.5 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 226 ratings

About the author

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John W. Dean
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John Dean served as Counsel to the President of the United States from July 1970 to April 1973. Before becoming White House counsel at age thirty-one, he was the chief minority counsel to the Judiciary Committee of the US House of Representatives, and an associate deputy attorney general at the US Department of Justice. His undergraduate studies were at Colgate University and the College of Wooster, with majors in English Literature and Political Science; then a graduate fellowship at American University to study government and the presidency before entering Georgetown University Law Center, where he received his JD with honors in 1965.

John recounted his days at the Nixon White House and Watergate in three books: Blind Ambition (Open Road 2016), Lost Honor (1982) and The Nixon Defense (2014). After retiring from a business career as a private investment banker doing middle-market mergers and acquisitions, he returned to full-time writing and lecturing, including as a columnist for FindLaw's Writ (from 2000 to 2010) and Justia’s Verdict (since 2010). Donald Trump’s election and presidency resulted in John’s 12th book by return to American authoritarianism, which he examined earlier New York Times best-sellers Conservatives Without Conscience (2006), because authoritarianism is on the ballot in 2020. Thus his study with Bob Altemeyer, Authoritarian Nightmare: Trump and His Followers.

John held the Barry Goldwater Chair of American Institutions at Arizona State University (academic years 2015-16), and for the past decade and a half he has been a visiting scholar and lecturer at the University of Southern California's Annenberg School of Communications. John is a CNN News contributor and analyst, and teaches continuing legal education (CLE) programs examining the impact of the American Bar Association's Model Rules of Professional Conduct on select historic events from Watergate and the Trump presidency with surprising results – see www.WatergateCLE.com

Customer reviews

4.3 out of 5 stars
226 global ratings

Customers say

Customers find the book well-researched, engaging, and exceptionally well-informed. They also appreciate the great insight, revealing information, and writing clarity. However, some customers feel the Bush administration is obsessed with secrecy and blocking bipartisan investigations.

AI-generated from the text of customer reviews

16 customers mention "Readability"16 positive0 negative

Customers find the book well-researched, engaging, and well-informed. They say it's a great read and one they urge others to read before the election.

"...His credentials are sparkling. This is a must-read book. It explains the facts clearly. And it connects the dots extremely well...." Read more

"For a convicted felon, John Dean is an exceptional author...." Read more

"...The contents of this book are very well researched and presented in a clear, concise and non-inflammatory manner...." Read more

"...lack of pages, the information contained within is wonderful and quite engaging...." Read more

8 customers mention "Insight"8 positive0 negative

Customers find the book's insight great, revealing, and wonderful. They also say it's interesting and informative about evil.

"...facts under the rug and out of sight and this book contains very critical information that should be understood by the electorate...." Read more

"...although disappointed with the lack of pages, the information contained within is wonderful and quite engaging...." Read more

"...John Dean writes clearly and with great insight. We should all be concerned about the "imperial presidency," that he speaks of...." Read more

"...This was a good book, very interesting and informative about the evil tenure of Bush/Cheney...." Read more

6 customers mention "Writing clarity"6 positive0 negative

Customers find the writing clear, concise, and non-inflammatory. They also say the book is well organized as a polemic.

"...Dean's writing is clear. His argumentation exacting. His documentation is painstaking. His credentials are sparkling. This is a must-read book...." Read more

"...The contents of this book are very well researched and presented in a clear, concise and non-inflammatory manner...." Read more

"...This book is extremely well written and although disappointed with the lack of pages, the information contained within is wonderful and quite..." Read more

"...Watergate" is one of the earliest (2004), best argued, most easily understood critiques of the Bush administration available...." Read more

3 customers mention "Pacing"3 positive0 negative

Customers find the book well-paced and easy to read. They say it's a quick read.

"...The book is well paced and easy to read and engaging which makes for a very quick read...." Read more

"John Dean know of what he writes. The book, while a relaively easy read, backs up every allegation with sources and endnotes that in of themselves..." Read more

"Slow start, good finish..." Read more

4 customers mention "Secrecy"0 positive4 negative

Customers dislike the Bush administration's obsession with secrecy and blocking bipartisan investigations.

"...Such secrecy is antithetical to democratic government and unworthy of any modern presidency" (p. 185). Sunlight is the best disinfectant...." Read more

"...The worst trait of the Bush administration is it's obsession with secrecy...." Read more

"...In this book you see an administration that not only is highly secretive, but also totally disrespects the legislative branch of government...." Read more

"Secrecy, Lying, Stonewalling & Blocking Bipartisan Investigations..." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on October 20, 2005
John Dean was the White House Council for President Nixon. It was his testimony before Congress that blew the hole in the Whitehouse's secretive stonewalling about the Watergate break-in. That case ended in resignation for Nixon and jail terms for a handful of his henchmen. So when Dean sets out to compare the Bush Whitehouse with the Nixon Whitehouse, at least the point of comparison, is based on first person experience. The rest is based on painstaking research.

The book's thesis is that the exteme level of secrecy exercised by the executive branch under Bush is dangerously corrosive to the liberties of Americans and to the Constitutional form of government we enjoy. Framers of the Constitution understood that the flame of liberty is fed by the fresh air of truthful information. Choke off that flow and the flame quickly dies, suffocating with it all those nearby. This is the reason for having a free press, for having freedom of association, for having elections. This purpose is subverted when the executive either systematically misleads Congress and the electorate or systemmatically shields them from essential information. James Iredell was one of George Washington's picks for the supreme court. He expressed their views when he asserted "The President must certainly be punishable for giving false information to the Senate." (p 155)

I imagine many people who start reading the book will be inclined to react as I did "Secrets and half truths .. so what? It's just standard fare for politics." But if democracy is to produce good policy we must expect much better than what we have recently gotten used to. And the Bush Whitehouse's practices in secrecy and falsification lie in a completely different league from anything that could have heretofore been imagined. The Bush Whitehouse's primary business, Dean argues, is to manufacture perceptions that belie its actions. (Government by misdirection is an art pioneered by his father under Reagan with the 'War of the Winter Club" - a war waged against a small nation during the lull between football and baseball season, and parodied in the movie "Wag the Dog") At one point Dean suggests that simply documenting all the falsity manufactured by the Bush administration would require a book of many hundreds of pages longer than this one. And he gives an online reference of a non-partisan group that has done just this.

The first chapter compares Nixon and Bush. Nixon was more paranoid - almost pathologically so. But his legislative record makes him look, in comparison to Bush, like a sociallist. Nixon worked hard and mastered vast amounts of information, and had a keen grasp of international and national politics. Bush is by comparison a quickstudy. But according to Dean he never exerts himself and therefore is essentially clueless about any area of inquiry outside those of 'spin' and baseball.

The next chapter is about 'Stonewalling' It makes the point that there are issues about Presidents and Vice Presidents that the electorate ought to know and have generally known about others in the same offices, but which Cheney and Bush have obscured. The issue of Cheney's long history of heart trouble - not the least of which was a heart attack during the Florida recount that Bush information officers denied ever taking place - is one instance. The case of how Bush accumulated his small fortune through a scheme that materially misrepresented the financial structure of the deal, defrauding the taxpayers and sports enthusiasts of Arlington out of tens of millions of dollars, TX is another. Since the issue of privacy and how much of it one needs to give up to serve in public office is an unsettled issue, this may be the weakest chapter in the book. Still, Dean raises some questions that need answers.

Dean starts chapter three with the story of Bush's illegal treatment of his own gubernatorial papers as Governor of Texas. State law requires them to be disclosed and catalogued. He sent them to his father's Presidential library and claimed they were beyond reach. In the end the rule of law prevailed, but the whole ordeal took years to sort out. It is a case where Bush intentionally, knowingly, openly, blatantly broke Texas law.

Any of these issues and several more are considerably more serious than the 'Whitewater' scandal that embroiled the Clinton Whitehouse. Yet there is no ongoing work to resolve their legal status. Still, these are small potatoes compared to the most eggregious abuses. The big issues involve 9/11 and Iraq.

The illogic of the Whitehouse's obsession of Iraq is illustrated most laughably by the shopworn story about the Rumsfeld Proposition . Early on September 12th 2001 Rumsfeld proposed as a response to 9/11 that we bomb Iraq because it at least has some 'good targets.' Or by Bush's telling counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke to find links between Saddam and the twin towers incident. Everyone in the Whitehouse knew there were none. But this version of the truth was inconvenient. It did not support the conclusion that Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld held when they entered the Whitehouse nine months earlier - that America ought to invade Iraq and install a puppet government.

Dean argues that this obsession with Iraq was not simply some personal vendetta against Saddam; it was the implementation of Cheney's radical neoconservative agenda. In this view of the world the US is the singular and supreme Imperial power. Being able to topple governments and install puppets to do our bidding is the means to ultimate, unstoppable, and unchallengeable American hegemony. Installing a puppet in Iraq was just the first step. Iraq was about the oil, yes. But it was much, much more. It was about RULING THE WORLD.

(( It is sad to think about how little some of our leaders learn from history. It was, after all, the CIA who installed the Shah of Iran using violent and unlawful means and justifying them on the basis of access to oil. Since then the shah has been toppled and Iran has an elected government of the sort we appear to be setting up in Iraq - one run by Shiite moslems and based on Islamic law. Is this the outcome Cheyney and his neocon pals are aiming for? If so, then the war was nothing but a very expensive and cynical re-election campaign. If not, what was he expecting? His own crown? One is tempted to wonder out loud whether Cheyney's visions of grandeur are not pathologically delusional. Or am I the only one who's been watching too much 'Pinky and the Brain?' ))

It was in justifying this war to the American people that the Bush Whitehouse commited its most eggregious crimes. For example, Dean reconstruct's Colin Powell's presentation to the UN security council regarding Iraq's WMD. He discusses something like a dozen slides that Powell knowingly misrepresented, turning mere water trucks into weapons of mass distruction. And representing as current stockpiles, photos of arms once in Iraq but known and documented to have long since been destroyed under the auspices of weapons inspectors . It is not that the Bush administration was merely mistaken about WMD. It is that they intentionally fabricated a case in order to further a hidden agenda.

This, by any standard, is an impeachable offense. For it sold Americans a war based on a premise known to the President to be false. And this was not any old war. This is the first war in the history of the United States to be started as a preventitive war, which is illegal under international law, rather than a preemptive war, which legal under international law (p 133). Clearly, using fraudulent means to drag America into an illegal war ought to be an impeachable offense. Perhaps it ought to be a capital offense, for at its core it is a conspiracy to kill people for reasons judged by the perpetrator to be unacceptable by his society.

Speaking of capital offenses, Dean also presents the Valerie Plume incident in which a Whitehouse Staffer committed an act of treason - revealing the identity of a spy is a treason. The reason, of course, was because her husband published an Op-Ed piece in the NYT demostrating that Saddam really was not engaged in buying 'yellowcake' the raw material from which nuclear fuel and bombs are manufactured as the Bush Whitehouse had publically asserted.

Dean's writing is clear. His argumentation exacting. His documentation is painstaking. His credentials are sparkling. This is a must-read book. It explains the facts clearly. And it connects the dots extremely well. Far beneath the surface, it also explains why I have been feeling a kind of yearning for the 'bad old days' of Nixon and the Cold War. Back then the press actually tried to get the story right. Politicians tried to act civilized. There was a commonly held notion that policy was important. There was debate about issues and policies. We were not obsessing over winners and losers. Spin, if it existed was subtle. Framing was not ironic. And Nixon, for all his paranoia and megalomania, really worked hard to understand the world and sometimes do the right thing.

I started the book skeptical that one could prove the current situation 'worse than Watergate.' I came away from the book thinking "saying it is worse than Watergate is like saying Katrina was a 'spot of bad weather.'" Democracy would almost certainly have survived were the high crimes and misdemeanors of the Nixon Whitehouse not revealed and prosecuted. If, however, the Bush standard for fraud, secrecy, vindictivenss, and deception is what we can expect of the Presidency from here on out, and the erosion of standards continues at the same pace, there is no question in my mind that the flame of liberty will be snuffed out in my own lifetime.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 21, 2004
For a convicted felon, John Dean is an exceptional author. I remember reading his own recollections of the Watergate affair and his own association with the subsequent events that led both to his own denouement and the resignation of Richard Nixon in disgrace in "Blind Ambition" in the mid 1970s. Once again he weighs in impressively by building a very strong circumstantial case for the investigation and possible prosecution of President George W. Bush for criminal actions that Dean terms to be indeed, "worst than those of Watergate". Culling from public records and the recollections of other eye-witnesses, Dean shows how Mr. Bush has systematically exaggerated, embellished, and engineered a series of preverifications and outright lies to the American public in an effort to convince us of the need for military intervention in Iraq.
Dean argues that in asking Congress for a Joint Resolution authorizing the use of American force in Iraq, President Bush made a number of "unequivocal public statements" regarding the reasons this country needed to pursue military force in pursuit of national interests. Dean, now an academic and noted author, shows how through tradition, presidential statements regarding issues of national security are held to an expectation of "the highest standard of truthfulness". Therefore, according to Dean, no president can simply "stretch, twist or distort" the facts of a case and then expect to avoid resulting consequences. Citing historical precedents, Dean shows how Lyndon Johnson's distortions regarding the truth about the war in Vietnam led to his own subsequent withdrawal for candidacy for re-election in 1968, and how Richard Nixon's attempted cover-up of the truth about Watergate forced his own resignation.
Dean contends that while President Bush should indeed receive the benefit of the doubt, he must also be held accountable for explaining how it is that he made such a string of unambiguous and confident pronouncements to the American people (and to the world as well) regarding the existence of WMD, none of which have been substantiated in the subsequent searches that have been conducted by either Untied Nations nor American Military investigators. Dean explains how the vetting process for any public staement is processed within the executive branch.
[...] Moreover, Dean contends, others such as Donald Rumsfeld were even more emphatic in claiming Saddam Hussein had WMD, even claiming to know the locations as being in the Tikrit and Baghdad areas. Finally, he concludes, given the huge implicit political risk to Mr. Bush, it would inconceivable that Mr. Bush would be so brazen as to make such statements without some intelligence to back them up.
Yet, according to Mr. Dean, we are left with a dilemma; either Mr. Bush's statements are grossly inaccurate, given the tons and tons of chemical agents he claimed Saddam possessed which can be neither located nor substantiated, or Mr. Bush has deliberately misled us. How do we reconcile what seem to be quite unequivocal statements from both the President and his agents and the evidence to date regarding the existence of WMD? According to Mr. Dean, there are two possibilities; first, that there is something devilishly wrong with the current administration's national security operations, a prospect Dean finds hard to swallow, or, second, the President has deliberately misled the American people and the world regarding the evidence supporting taking preemptive military action against the sovereign nation of Iraq.
Bluntly stated, if Mr. Bush led this country into war based on bogus intelligence data, he is liable under the Constitution for manipulation and deliberate misuse of that data under the "high crimes" statute of that document, given the fact it is a felony to defraud the United States through such a conspiratorial action. According to Mr. Dean, It is time for both Congress and the American people to demand of Mr. Bush the same kind of high-minded honesty he pledged to us under the oath of office. This is an important book, and one I urge you to read!
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Reviewed in the United States on February 27, 2014
I'm a great fan of author Dean, and always make a point of hearing him when he makes an in-person presentation. (He makes his home in the Greater Los Angeles area, as do I.) Unfortunately, his writing skills are not up to his speaking skills.
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Top reviews from other countries

M5M
5.0 out of 5 stars This is an excellent book. The only downside is that it was ...
Reviewed in Canada on June 20, 2016
This is an excellent book. The only downside is that it was written before some of the worst excesses of the Bush/Cheney administration became public.

Mr. Dean's later work Conservatives Without Conscience is prescient, and I strongly recommend it to anyone who wants to understand what is going on in the 2016 Presidential Election in general, and Donald Trump in particular.
Margaret Blake
5.0 out of 5 stars Bought for my husband, well written, food for ...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 3, 2016
Bought for my husband , well written, food for thought.