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1968: The Year That Rocked the World Paperback – January 11, 2005
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To some, 1968 was the year of sex, drugs, and rock and roll. Yet it was also the year of the Martin Luther King, Jr., and Bobby Kennedy assassinations; the riots at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago; Prague Spring; the antiwar movement and the Tet Offensive; Black Power; the generation gap; avant-garde theater; the upsurge of the women’s movement; and the beginning of the end for the Soviet Union.
In this monumental book, Mark Kurlansky brings to teeming life the cultural and political history of that pivotal year, when television’s influence on global events first became apparent, and spontaneous uprisings occurred simultaneously around the world. Encompassing the diverse realms of youth and music, politics and war, economics and the media, 1968 shows how twelve volatile months transformed who we were as a people—and led us to where we are today.
- Print length480 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherRandom House Trade Paperbacks
- Publication dateJanuary 11, 2005
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.05 x 8.2 inches
- ISBN-100345455827
- ISBN-13978-0345455826
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Editorial Reviews
Review
—DAN RATHER, CBS News
“Highly readable . . . a rich perspective . . . Kurlansky is a writer of remarkable talents and interests.”
–San Francisco Chronicle
Carefully researched and remarkably readable . . . Kurlansky has done a yeoman’s job of amassing an incredible amount of information and making it accessible for today’s reader. . . . What a year it was.”
–The Denver Post
Splendid . . . evocative . . . No one before Kurlansky has managed to evoke so rich a set of experiences in so many different places–and to keep the story humming.”
–Chicago Tribune
Kurlansky writes with a historian’s diligence. . . . [He] traces skillfully the astounding streams of revolt converging in that historic year. . . . A colorful, highly evocative report on the awfulness and the idealism of the time.”
–The Seattle Times
“A cornucopia of astounding events and audacious originality . . . Like a reissue of a classic album or a PBS documentary, this book is about a subject it’s hard to imagine people ever tiring of revisiting. They just don’t make years like 1968 very often.”
–The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
“1968 breathes a new life into these moments. . . . Kurlansky has a flair for bringing wit and breezy intelligence to his subjects.”
–Minneapolis Star Tribune
“Fascinating . . . [Kurlansky] re-creates events with flair and drama.”
–Seattle Post-Intelligencer
From the Back Cover
In this monumental book," Mark Kurlansky brings to teeming life the cultural and political history of that pivotal year, when television's influence on global events first became apparent, and spontaneous uprisings occurred simultaneously around the world. Encompassing the diverse realms of youth and music, politics and war, economics and the media, "1968 shows how twelve volatile months transformed who we were as a people-and led us to where we are today.
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The things of the eye are done.
On the illuminated black dial,
green ciphers of a new moon-
One, two, three, four, five, six!
I breathe and cannot sleep.
Then morning comes,
saying, "This was night."
-Robert Lowell, "Myopia: a Night,"
from For the Union Dead, 1964
CHAPTER 1
THE WEEK IT BEGAN
The year 1968 began the way any well-ordered year should-on a Monday morning. It was a leap year. February would have an extra day. The headline on the front page of The New York Times read, world bids adieu to a violent year; city gets snowfall.
In Vietnam, 1968 had a quiet start. Pope Paul VI had declared January 1 a day of peace. For his day of peace, the pope had persuaded the South Vietnamese and their American allies to give a twelve-hour extension to their twenty-four-hour truce. The People's Liberation Armed Forces in South Vietnam, a pro-North Vietnamese guerrilla force in the South popularly known as the Viet Cong, announced a seventy-two-hour cease-fire. In Saigon, the South Vietnamese government had forced shop owners to display banners that predicted, "1968 Will See the Success of Allied Arms."
At the stroke of midnight in South Vietnam's Mekong Delta, the church bells in the town of Mytho rang in the new year. Ten minutes later, while the bells were still ringing, a unit of Viet Cong appeared on the edge of a rice paddy and caught the South Vietnamese 2nd Marine Battalion by surprise, killing nineteen South Vietnamese marines and wounding another seventeen.
A New York Times editorial said that although the resumption of fighting had shattered hopes for peace, another chance would come with a cease-fire in February for Tet, the Vietnamese New Year.
"L'année 1968, je la salue avec sérénité," pronounced Charles de Gaulle, the tall and regal seventy-eight-year-old president of France, on New Year's Eve. "I greet the year 1968 with serenity," he said from his ornate palace where he had been governing France since 1958. He had rewritten the constitution to make the president of France the most powerful head of state of any Western democracy. He was now three years into his second seven-year term and saw few problems on the horizon. From a gilded palace room, addressing French television-whose only two channels were entirely state controlled-he said that soon other nations would be turning to him and that he would be able to broker peace in not only Vietnam but also the Middle East. "All signs indicate, therefore, that we shall be in a position to contribute most effectively to international solutions." In recent years he had taken to referring to himself as "we."
As he gave his annual televised message to the French people, the man the French called the General or Le Grand Charles seemed "unusually mellow, almost avuncular," sparing harsh adjectives even for the United States, which of late he had been calling "odious." His tone contrasted with that of his 1967 New Year's message, when he had spoken of "the detestable unjust war" in Vietnam in which a "big nation" was destroying a small one. The French government had grown concerned at the level of animosity that France's allies had been directing at it.
France was enjoying a quiet and prosperous moment. After World War II, the Republic had fought its own Vietnam war, a fact that de Gaulle seemed to have forgotten. Ho Chi Minh, America's enemy, had been born under French colonial rule the same year as de Gaulle and had spent most of his life fighting the French. He had once lived in Paris under the pseudonym Nguyen O Phap, which means "Nguyen who hates the French." During World War II, Franklin Roosevelt had warned de Gaulle that after the war France should give Indochina its independence. But de Gaulle told Ho, even as he was enlisting his people in the fight against the Japanese, that after the war he intended to reestablish the French colony. Roosevelt argued, "The people of Indochina are entitled to something better than that." De Gaulle was determined that his Free French troops participate in any action in Indochina, saying, "French bloodshed on the soil of Indochina would constitute an impressive territorial claim."
After World War II, the French fought Ho for Vietnam and suffered bitter defeat. Then they fought and lost in Algeria. But since 1962 France had been at peace. The economy was growing, despite de Gaulle's notorious lack of interest in the fine points of economics. Between the end of the Algerian war and 1967, real wages in France rose 3.6 percent each year. There was a rapid increase in the acquisition of consumer goods-especially cars and televisions. And there was a dramatic increase in the number of young people attending universities.
De Gaulle's prime minister, Georges Pompidou, anticipated few problems for the year ahead. He predicted that the Left would be more successful in unifying than they would in actually taking power. "The opposition will harass the government this year," the prime minister announced, "but they will not succeed in provoking a crisis."
The popular weekly Paris Match placed Pompidou on a short list of politicians who would maneuver in 1968 to try to replace the General. Yet the editors predicted there would be more to watch abroad than in France. "The United States will unleash one of the fiercest electoral battles ever imagined," they announced. In addition to Vietnam, they saw the potential hot spots as a fight over gold and the dollar, growing freedom in the Soviet Union's Eastern satellite countries, and the launching of a Soviet space weapons system.
"It is impossible to see how France today could be paralyzed by crisis as she has been in the past," said de Gaulle in his New Year's message.
Paris had never looked brighter, thanks to Culture Minister André Malraux's building-cleaning campaign. The Madeleine, the Arc de Triomphe, the Pantheon, and other landmark buildings were no longer gray and charcoal but beige and buff, and this month cold-water sprays were going to remove seven hundred years of grime from Notre Dame Cathedral. It was one of the great controversies of the moment in the French capital. Would the water spray damage the building? Would it look oddly patchwork, revealing that not all the stones were originally of matching color?
De Gaulle, seated in his palace moments before midnight on the eve of 1968, was serene and optimistic. "In the midst of so many countries shaken by confusion," he promised, "ours will continue to give an example of order." France's "primordial aim" in the world is peace, the General said. "We have no enemies."
Perhaps this new Gaullian tone was influenced by dreams of a Nobel Peace Prize. Paris Match asked Pompidou if he agreed with some of the General's inner circle who had expressed outrage that de Gaulle had not already received the prize. But Pompidou answered, "Do you really think that the Nobel Prize could be meaningful to the General? The General is only concerned about history, and no jury can dictate the judgment of history."
Aside from de Gaulle, the American computer industry struck one of the new year's rare notes of optimism, predicting a record year for 1968. In the 1950s computer manufacturers had estimated that six computers could serve the needs of the entire United States. By January 1968 fifty thousand computers were operating in the country, of which fifteen thousand had been installed in the past year. The cigarette industry was also optimistic that its 2 percent growth in sales in 1967 would be repeated in 1968. The executive of one of the leading cigarette manufacturers boasted, "The more they attack us the higher our sales go."
But by most measurements, 1967 had not been a good year in the United States. A record number of violent, destructive riots had erupted in black inner cities across the country, including Boston, Kansas City, Newark, and Detroit.
1968 would be the year in which "Negroes" became "blacks." In 1965, Stokely Carmichael, an organizer for the remarkably energetic and creative civil rights group the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, or SNCC, invented the name Black Panthers, soon followed by the phrase Black Power. At the time, black, in this sense, was a rarely used poetic turn of phrase. The word started out in 1968 as a term for black militants, and by the end of the year it became the preferred term for the people. Negro had become a pejorative applied to those who would not stand up for themselves.
On the second day of 1968, Robert Clark, a thirty-seven-year-old schoolteacher, took his seat in the Mississippi House of Representatives without a challenge, the first black to gain a seat in the Mississippi State Legislature since 1894.
But in the civil rights struggle, action was shifting from the soft-spoken rural South to the hard-edged urban North. Northern blacks were different from blacks in the South. While the mostly southern followers of Martin Luther King, Jr., studied Mohandas Gandhi and his nonviolent anti-British campaign, Stokely Carmichael, who had grown up in New York City, became interested in violent rebels such as the Mau Mau, who had risen up against the British in Kenya. Carmichael, a good-humored man with a biting wit and a sense of theater that he brought from his native Trinidad, had been for years regularly jailed, threatened, and abused in the South, as had all the SNCC workers. And during those years there were always moments when the concept of nonviolence was questioned. Carmichael began hurling back abuse verbally and sometimes physically, confronting segregationists who harassed him. The King people chanted, "Freedom now!" The Carmichael people chanted, "Black Power!" King tried to persuade Carmichael to use the slogan "Black Equality" rather than "Black Power," but Carmichael kept his slogan.
Increasing numbers of black leaders wanted to fight segregation with segregation, imposing a black-only social order that at least paid lip service to excluding even white reporters from press briefings. In 1966 Carmichael became head of SNCC, replacing John Lewis, a soft-spoken southerner who advocated nonviolence. Carmichael turned SNCC into an aggressive Black Power organization, and in so doing Black Power became a national movement. In May 1967 Hubert "Rap" Brown, who had not been a well-known figure in the civil rights movement, replaced Carmichael as the head of SNCC, which by now was nonviolent in name only. In that summer of bloody riots, Brown said at a press conference, "I say you better get a gun. Violence is necessary-it is as American as cherry pie."
King was losing control over a badly divided civil rights movement in which many believed nonviolence had outlived its usefulness. 1968 seemed certain to be the year of Black Power, and the police were readying themselves. By the beginning of 1968 most American cities were preparing for war-building up their arsenals, sending undercover agents into black neighborhoods like spies into enemy territory, recruiting citizenry as a standing reserve army. The city of Los Angeles, where thirty-four people had been killed in an August 1965 riot in the Watts section, was contemplating the purchase of bulletproof armored vehicles, each of which could be armed with a .30-caliber machine gun; a choice of smoke screen, tear gas, or fire-extinguishing launchers; and a siren so loud it was said to disable rioters. "When I look at this thing, I think, My God, I hope we'll never have to use it," said Los Angeles deputy chief Daryl Gates, "but then I realize how valuable it would have been in Watts, where we had nothing to protect us from sniper fire when we tried to rescue our wounded officers." Such talk had become good politics since California governor Pat Brown had been defeated the year before by Ronald Reagan, largely because of the Watts riots. The problem was that the vehicles cost $35,000 each. The Los Angeles Sheriff's Office had a more cost-effective idea-a surplus army M-8 armored car for only $2,500.
In Detroit, where forty-three people died in race riots in 1967, the police already had five armored vehicles but were stockpiling tear gas and gas masks and were requesting antisniper rifles, carbines, shotguns, and 150,000 rounds of ammunition. One Detroit suburb had purchased an army half-track-a quasi tank. The city of Chicago purchased helicopters for its police force and started training 11,500 policemen in using heavy weapons and crowd control techniques in preparation for the year 1968. From the outset of the year, the United States seemed to be run by fear.
On January 4, thirty-four-year-old playwright LeRoi Jones, an outspoken Black Power advocate, was sentenced to two and a half to three years in the New Jersey State Penitentiary and fined $1,000 for illegal possession of two revolvers during the Newark riots the previous summer. In explaining why he had imposed the maximum sentence, Essex County judge Leon W. Kapp said that he suspected Jones was "a participant in formulating a plot" to burn Newark on the night he was arrested. Decades later, known as Amiri Baraka, Jones became the poet laureate of New Jersey.
In Vietnam, the war U.S. officials were forever telling correspondents was about to end still seemed far from over.
When the French had left in 1954, Vietnam was divided into a North Vietnam ruled by Ho Chi Minh, who had largely controlled the region anyway, and a South Vietnam left in the hands of anti-communist factions. By 1961 the Northern communists had gained control of half the territory of South Vietnam through the Viet Cong, which met with little resistance from the Southern population. That year the North began sending troops of their regular army south along what became known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail to complete the takeover. The U.S. responded with increased involvement though it had always been involved-in 1954 the U.S. had been financing an estimated four-fifths of the cost of the French war effort. In 1964 with North Vietnam's position steadily strengthening, Johnson had used an alleged naval attack in the Gulf of Tonkin as the pretext for open warfare. From that point on, the Americans expanded their military presence each year.
In 1967, 9,353 Americans were killed in Vietnam, more than doubling the total number of Americans previously killed, which now stood at 15,997, with another 99,742 Americans wounded. Newspapers ran weekly hometown casualty reports. And the war was also taking a toll on the economy, at a cost of an estimated $2 billion to $3 billion a month. During the summer, President Johnson had asked for a large tax increase to stanch the growing debt. The Great Society, the massive social spending program that Johnson had begun as a memorial to his fallen predecessor, was dying from lack of funds. A book published at the beginning of 1968 called The Great Society Reader: The Failure of American Liberalism contended that the Great Society and liberalism itself were dying.
Product details
- Publisher : Random House Trade Paperbacks; 59352nd edition (January 11, 2005)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 480 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0345455827
- ISBN-13 : 978-0345455826
- Item Weight : 14.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.05 x 8.2 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #235,365 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #274 in French History (Books)
- #1,545 in Asian History (Books)
- #5,302 in World History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Mark Kurlansky is a New York Times bestselling and James A. Beard Award-winning author. He is the recipient of a Bon Appétit American Food and Entertaining Award for Food Writer of the Year, and the Glenfiddich Food and Drink Award for Food Book of the year.
Photo by Wes Washington (Own work) [CC BY-SA 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.
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I was ten years and 11 days old on January 1, 1968. While I was too young to be an active participant in the societal and political events of that year, I recognize that my worldview has been deeply influenced by 1968. Reading the book gave me an opportunity to refresh those beliefs and memories and to learn some things I did not know.
Kurlansky’s 1968: The Year That Rocked the World does not just examine the USA during 1968 but looks at what was happening throughout the entire world. There is a section on Czechoslovakia and The Prague Spring, Alexander Dubcek’s attempt to democratize and humanize Communism in Czechoslovakia, against the desires of the Soviet Union. That resulted in the Soviet and Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in September of 1968, which was credited with being the beginning of the end for the Soviet Union. This was especially interesting to me as my ancestry is 50% Czech.
The author also examines the role the press played in the events of 1968 and how TV coupled with violence, became the way for protesters to get their message picked up and delivered by the mass media (If both sides are nonviolent, there is no story.) Another similarity to what is happening today.
“…because television likes drama, television likes conflict, and anything that indicates conflict was a candidate for something that might get on the air—on the Cronkite show that evening, which was what we were all trying to do.” The presence of cameras started to have a noticeable impact on civility in debates. Schorr recalled in covering the Senate, “They frequently raised their voice for no reason at all, just because they knew that it would get our attention by doing that.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 815-818). ]
No book about 1968 would be complete without examining the Vietnam War and how the worlds changing attitude toward that war influenced what was happening. Growing up in Madison, Wisconsin at the time I recall my father watching the news every night and how often demonstrations at Madison’s own UW campus made the national news. The book reviews the student movements throughout the world and how they influenced many events in 1968. Special attention is given to New York’s Columbia University.
“Violence requires few ideas, but nonviolent resistance requires imagination. That is one of the reasons so few rebels are willing to embrace it. The American civil rights movement learned as it went along, making many mistakes. But by the mid-1960s the movement, especially SNCC, had thrilled the world with its imagination and the daring of its ideas, inspiring students as far away as Poland to stage sit-ins. By 1968, all over the world, people with causes wanted to copy the civil rights movement.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 1550-1553).]
“Youth around the globe saw the world being squeezed by two equal and unsavory forces. American youth had learned that it was important to stand up to both the communists and the anticommunists. The Port Huron Statement recognized that communism should be opposed: “The Soviet Union, as a system, rests on the total repression of organized opposition, as well as a vision of the future in the name of which much human life had been sacrificed, and numerous small and large denials of human dignity rationalized.” But according to the Port Huron Statement, anticommunist forces in America were more harmful than helpful. The statement cautions that “an unreasoning anti-Communism has become a major social problem.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 1859-1864).]
America’s Presidential election in 1968 is also discussed, starting with the premise that while Nixon would be the likely GOP candidate, he would have little chance of winning. That changed as the year went on, with LBJ choosing not to run and Eugene McCarthy and Robert F. Kennedy entering the race. While the polls suggested Gov. Nelson Rockefeller would be the GOP’s candidate we know that did not happen. Instead, Nixon became their candidate, and 1968 marked the end of the liberal to moderate wing of the Republican party.
I often wonder how different the world would be today if RFK has not been assassinated and if he would have become the Democratic candidate and beat Nixon. I have long been a fan of Robert F. Kennedy, and the following quote, of with which I was not familiar with, is cited in the book. It makes me yearn even more for someone like Bobby Kennedy in the White House and in every seat in Congress.
“We will find neither national purpose nor personal satisfaction in a mere continuation of economic progress, in an endless amassing of worldly goods. We cannot measure national spirit by the Dow Jones Average, nor national achievement by the Gross National Product. For the Gross National Product includes air pollution, and ambulances to clear our highways from carnage. It counts special locks for our doors and jails for the people who break them. The Gross National Product includes the destruction of the redwoods and the death of Lake Superior. It grows with the production of napalm and missiles and nuclear warheads. . . . It includes . . . the broadcasting of television programs which glorify violence to sell goods to our children.
And if the Gross National Product includes all this, there is much that it does not comprehend. It does not allow for the health of our families, the quality of their education, or the joy of their play. It is indifferent to the decency of our factories and the safety of our streets alike. It does not include the beauty of our poetry, or the strength of our marriages, the intelligence of our public debate or the integrity of our public officials . . . the Gross National Product measures neither our wit nor our courage, neither our wisdom nor our learning, neither our compassion nor our devotion to our country. It measures everything, in short, except that which makes life worthwhile, and it can tell us everything about America—except whether we are proud to be Americans.” – Sen. Robert F. Kennedy [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 2547-2558)].
The author discusses some of the predictions made for the near future, and they are in retrospect, quite comical.
“In the 1950s computer manufacturers had estimated that six computers could serve the needs of the entire United States. By January 1968 fifty thousand computers were operating in the country, of which fifteen thousand had been installed in the past year.” – [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 173-174)]
If we consider that the average smartphone is more powerful than any computer from the 1950s and that there as of 2016 there were 2.1 billion smartphones in use, that above prediction was way off.
“One study by the Southern California Research Council claimed that by the year 1985 most Americans would have to work only half the year to maintain their current standard of living and warned that recreational facilities were woefully underdeveloped for all the leisure time facing the new generation. These conclusions were based on the rising individual share of the gross national product. If the total value of goods and services was divided by the total population, including nonearners, the resulting figure was projected to double between 1968 and 1985.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 3322-3326).]
What a wonderful world it would be if all of humanity had a decent standard of living and excess leisure time.
“In thirty years, Servan-Schreiber predicted, “America will be a post-industrial society with a per capita income of $7,500. There will be only four work days a week of seven hours per day. The year will be comprised of 39 work weeks and 13 weeks of vacation.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 3808-3810)]
So, on the one hand, we have exceeded the above prediction; “In 2016, median income per capita was $33,205. That's the highest in U.S. history. In fact, it was more than 10 times greater than in 1967, when median per capita income was only $2,464;” however, many of us are still working five days or more per week and more than eight hours per day. Even with a median capita income more than $33,000, half of the population falls below that. If we look at the levels of food insecurity and homelessness, we have not made as much progress as we would like to think we have made or what was predicted.
The change in America’s two predominant political parties started in 1968 and is well documented in the book.
“1968 was the year in which the Republican Party became a far more ideological party—a conservative party in which promising moderates have been marginalized.” – [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 4766-4767)]
Even the battle for the Supreme Court was being waged in 1968.
“But cronyism was not the main issue; it was the right of Johnson to appoint Supreme Court justices. Republicans, who had been in the White House only eight of the past thirty-six years, felt they had a good chance of taking over in 1968, and some Republicans wanted their own judges. Robert Griffin, Republican from Michigan, got nineteen Republican senators to sign a petition saying that Johnson, with only seven months left in office, should not get to pick two judges.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 6369-6372)]
And, even back in 1968, electing the President via the electoral college was unpopular.
“In fact, a Gallup poll showed that 81 percent of Americans favored dropping the electoral college and having the president elected by popular vote.” [Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 6509-6510)]
1968: The Year That Rocked the World by Mark Kurlansky concludes with a quote from Astronaut Michael Collins explaining what he felt as he orbited the moon while it was explored by colleagues Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin. On one hand, the quote makes me feel good because it professes a view that I believe that most of us from the 60’s believed would be a reality by now. At the same time, I am disappointed. When I see how little progress humanity has made in; ending war and violence, ending poverty, hunger/food insecurity, homelessness, lack of adequate healthcare, and income inequality, ending racism, bigotry, sexism and domestic abuse and violence, ending the destruction of our planet and the environment, ending the concept of nationalism, tribalism and borders and moving towards a unified humanity where we are all working to help one another.
“I really believe that if the political leaders of the world could see their planet from a distance of, let’s say, 100,000 miles, their outlook could be fundamentally changed. That all-important border would be invisible, that noisy argument suddenly silenced. The tiny globe would continue to turn, serenely ignoring its subdivisions, presenting a unified facade that would cry out for unified understanding, for homogeneous treatment. The earth must become as it appears: blue and white, not capitalist or Communist; blue and white, not rich or poor; blue and white, not envious or envied.” – Astronaut Michael Collins, Kurlansky, Mark. 1968 (Kindle Locations 6823-6827)
If you want some historical perspective on where humanity has been since the 1960s and where we are today, I encourage you to read 1968: The Year That Rocked the World by Mark Kurlansky. Hopefully, it will inspire you, as it has me, on our need to do much better, if humanity is to survive.
It is true that 1968 stands out in terms of recent history. The Prague Spring, Vietnam, civil strife in America and the assassinations of both Martin Luther King and Bobby Kennedy are all significant events. Mark Kurlansky does well to bring these and other events to life. His style is admirable and the events are brought back to life for all readers older than their late forties. Kurlansky is a fine writer.
My main bone of contention with Kurlansky is that he views 1968 through rose coloured glasses. The events of the 1968, while certainly tumultuous, were of questionable significance. We need to remember that, since 1968, the world has seen the end of the cold war and the return of freedom to Czechoslovakia, the end of the Vietnam War and a return to student calm across America and Europe. We need to understand that while the Prague Spring, for example, was important, it pales in significance to the return of true freedom to eastern Europe. Kurlansky's flaw is that while 1968 was a year of change which he covers with some skill, its significance can be overstated. A sense of perspective is required in all writers of history.








