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The Great Unraveling: Losing Our Way in the New Century 1st Edition

4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 164 ratings

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The national bestseller: A galvanizing work from America's leading economic critic―a book that will set the terms of the political debate for years to come.

No one has more authority to call the shots the way they really are than Paul Krugman, whose provocative New York Times columns are keenly followed by millions. One of the world's most respected economists, Krugman has been named America's most important columnist by the Washington Monthly and columnist of the year by Editor and Publisher magazine.

In this long-awaited work containing Krugman's most influential columns along with new commentary, he chronicles how the boom economy unraveled: how exuberance gave way to pessimism, how the age of corporate heroes gave way to corporate scandals, how fiscal responsibility collapsed. From his account of the secret history of the California energy crisis to his devastating dissections of dishonesty in the Bush administration, Krugman tells the uncomfortable truth about how the United States lost its way. And he gives us the road map we will need to follow if we are to get the country back on track.
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The Great Unraveling is a chronicle of how "the heady optimism of the late 1990s gave way to renewed gloom as a result of "incredibly bad leadership, in the private sector and in the corridors of power." Offering his own take on the trickle-down theory, economist and columnist Paul Krugman lays much of the blame for a slew of problems on the Bush administration, which he views as a "revolutionary power...a movement whose leaders do not accept the legitimacy of our current political system." Declaring them radicals masquerading as moderates, he questions their motives on a range of issues, particularly their tax and Social Security plans, which he argues are "obviously, blatantly based on bogus arithmetic." Though a fine writer, Krugman relies more heavily on numbers than words to examine the current rash of corporate malfeasance, the rise and fall of the stock market bubble, the federal budget and the future of Social Security, and how a huge surplus quickly became a record deficit. He also rails against the news media for displaying a disturbing lack of skepticism and for failing to do even the most basic homework when reporting on business and economic issues. The book is mainly a collection of op-ed pieces Krugman wrote for The New York Times between 2000 and 2003. Overall, this format works well. Krugman writes clearly about complicated issues and offers plenty of evidence and hard facts to support his theories regarding the intersection of business, economics, and politics, making this a detailed, informative, and thought-provoking book. --Shawn Carkonen

From Publishers Weekly

This selection of three years of New York Times op-eds by economist and Princeton professor Krugman document his opposition to the governance of George W. Bush and his "bad economics wrapped in the flag." In his introduction, Krugman asserts that Bush is a radical and that America's right wing is "a revolutionary power... a movement whose leaders do not accept the legitimacy of our current political system." The core of the book's 100-plus columns is dedicated to eviscerating Bush's fiscal policies, uncovering the administration's hidden agendas, as well as castigating the media for letting him get away with it. A handful of articles advocate the globalization of free trade. Much of the material will be familiar to Times readers, but reading the items together reveals Krugman's growing anger at the hubris he sees exhibited by the extreme right wing and its seeming defiance of logic. At first, Krugman is a numbers man, methodically parsing the data (demonstrating, for example, how the heartland is not, statistically, more committed to family than people on the coasts), but over time he arrives at the conclusion that "Yes, Virginia, there is a vast right-wing conspiracy" and "it works a lot like a special-interest lobby." Krugman is one of the few commentators able to sound both appalled and reasonable at the same time as he provides an alternate history of the last three years to that penned by conservative pundits. Many readers will find Krugman very persuasive as to how our present government has done us wrong.
Copyright 2003 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ W. W. Norton & Company; 1st edition (August 17, 2003)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 320 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0393058506
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0393058505
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.8 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6.5 x 1.5 x 9.5 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 164 ratings

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Paul Krugman
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Paul Krugman writes a twice-weekly column for the op-ed page of the New York Times. A winner of the John Bates Clark Medal who was also named Columnist of the Year by Editor and Publisher magazine, he teaches economics at Princeton University.

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  • Reviewed in the United States on March 28, 2004
    Are you ever puzzled by the fact that the Bush Administration seems to say one thing and then do another? Well this book explains the Bush Presidency not by what it says but by the consequences of what it does. Mr. Krugman's book will be attacked on this forum by all the right wing pundits, disclosed or undisclosed, who now write book reviews on Amazon for the purpose of dissuading the public from reading meaningful books or books that run counter to their own views. Read this book, think and be enlightened.
    This book didn't start as a book but as columns Mr. Krugman, who teaches economics at Princeton, wrote mostly for the Op-Ed page of the N.Y. Times from 2000 to 2003. Therefore he had the benefit of a great deal of feed back from counter columns on the same page and elsewhere. His accumulated writings were then organized in topics and published in this book. His statements and concerns were tested in the public arena long before they became a book. If he were just attacking the Administration on trivial grounds or for minor compromises made to gain some larger political concession for the common good he would have been booed off the stage long ago. He was not and the reason is two fold, one, he is a gifted writer able to take complicated economic matters and political situations and make them lucid and readable and two, as an educator he has no stake to protect except that of a concerned citizen.
    Why would Mr. Bush want tax cuts that send us in to mounting deficits? I always thought compassionate conservatives were against deficit spending. Well the unstated reason differs from the stated reasons of tax relief, economic stimulus, supply side capital formation for investment etc. The real reason is that the present administration wants to starve what they perceive as big, unnecessary government into small government. Something like we had in the nineteenth century. You remember the nineteenth century don't you with its unrestrained capitalism leading to the exploitation of the public and the rape of our natural resources, the sale of tainted food products, the exploitation of labor, the amassing of great wealth by a few while average families struggled to make ends meet on six day weeks with ten hour days etc. Male life expectancy then was around forty and widows with small children were common. Also you remember the Spanish American War. A war historians are still trying to explain. Was it to free Cuba, to acquire the Philippines as a colony, to make Puerto Rico a state or just to make the world safe from the despotic rule of Spain? Does this sound like Iraq?
    Mr. Krugman examines the Administrations actions and points out with logic and with factual examples the following:
    The compassionate conservatives are really radical conservatives, who wish the following:
    1.To shrink government by tax cuts to the size it was in the administration of Herbert Hoover.
    2.To bankrupt Social Security by using the SS security trust, meant for the Baby Boomers, to pay for other programs with budget deficits because of the draconian tax cuts that benefit mainly the top two percent of taxpayers.
    3. To, shrink the SEC, Labor Department, Health Education and Welfare Departments and any other perceived department or bureau charged with the protection of the public (except the military with whom these people do a lot of business) so that it has a budget so small to make it meaningless. This is especially true of any environmental protection programs that might be bothersome to the friends of the Administration.
    4. To regress foreign policy back to at least the McKinley Administration.
    5. To limit taxes to the income earned by ones labor.
    6.To eliminate taxes on income from capital.
    7.To eliminate inheritance taxes.
    7. To provide as much corporate welfare as possible at the expense of the wage earning citizenry.
    8. To make economic and social opportunities dependent on ones connections rather than abilities.
    These actions resemble the aims of those who wish to establish a plutocracy based on inherited wealth just in case such an aristocracy is not already in place.
    Does all this sound way out there? Consider that in 1983 Senator Pat Moynihan, Alan Greenspahn and others on a committee to reform Social Security recognized that the baby boom generation created a huge bubble in the population. Social Security is set up so each generation pays for the preceding generations Social Security through payroll taxes. Since there would be less people working after the baby boom generation retired adjustments were made. A two percent increase in payroll taxes was enacted to be held in trust until it was needed to pay for the baby boomers Social Security. Well Bush has "borrowed" the trust money issuing treasury bonds as security. So thirty percent of every payroll tax dollar is going into the general fund. Something like one trillion dollars has been borrowed. This method of borrowing keeps interest rates down now because the government is not competing for private capital to finance the deficit, but the debt will have to be paid by future generations and since taxes have been cut to mainly benefit the top two percent of taxpayers the burden will fall on the middle class. Also payroll taxes are a very regressive tax falling mainly on the poorest segment of society and take money out of the hands of those most likely to spend it on consumer goods so in effect the cost of financing the government is falling on those least able to do so in a way most damaging to the economy.
    This book tells us to stop listening to buzz words like, compassionate conservative, no child left behind etc and look to the actions of the Bush administration for the truth.
    Since Bush took office the gap between rich and poor is steadily widening. Wondering why? Mr. Krugman explains the reasons for this. Do wonder if your children will have decent jobs or if you are a baby boomer, will you have a secure retirement? After you read this book you will know the reasons for your concern. When you finish this book then read Robert Rubin's, In An Uncertain World, for a further discussion of responsible fiscal and monetary policies. Edsopinion.hopto.org.
    49 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 9, 2015
    This book by Paul Krugman makes you realize that, buried by the national insanity of Bush/Cheney's Iraq war mania, there were actual real voices that saw things another way. Had anyone listened, we'd be living a very different world right now. This indictment of the true evil-doers of the era -- Bush, Cheney, et al -- is thorough, and thoroughly depressing.
  • Reviewed in the United States on October 13, 2003
    President George Bush is a liar.
    This comes as a shock to Paul Krugman, a usual resident of a comfortable ivory tower, who doesn't seem to understand that all politicians are liars. Another surprise for him is that journalists, even when the lies are obvious, obsequiously accept them as profound truths.
    It's how the world works outside the ivory tower. Life is a series of lies, to ourselves and to others; success consists of seeing through these lies without unduly embarrassing others. Anyone who believes everything the politicians tell them is also likely to believe used car salesmen and the developers who sell Arizona desert land.
    For Krugman, it's an eye-opening experience to discover the Bush administration has been, is and will continue to lie to the American people. What is far more interesting, and which makes this book a gem, is that Krugman offers an original and frightening reason for these lies. First of all, you need to think of the US government -- which spends 90 percent of its revenues on Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and the military -- on the same basis as an intelligent economist (Krugman).
    On that basis, the US government is a big insurance company which also has an army.
    Social Security, Medicaid and Medicare are insurance programs. The Bush administration wants to turn these insurance programs over to private insurance companies and leave the government only in the military business, plus housekeeping duties (national parks, federal lands, business regulation and the like). This is a genuine revolution, a total rejection of America as it now exists and a rejection of almost every social measure enacted since President Herbert Hoover. It is a bold leap forward into a survival-of-the-fittest future -- based on a philosophy in which Pharisees (rich Americans) are praised for passing by the travelers wounded by our society.
    His analysis of the Bush administration is the great strength of this book. Most journalists think of politicians as saints or sinners; Krugman is astute enough to look beyond the lies to discern the real agenda. In the main, the book is a collection of columns from the past four or so years detailing the utter folly of thinking about Bush in terms of politics as usual. Instead, he argues convincingly that Bush is waging a true revolution in American social policies.
    If you read it with a simple mind, on the basis of liking Bush or disliking Bush, you will either learn nothing new or will think Krugman is a liar.
    If you accept his premise that Bush is waging a genuine economic revolution, creating deliberate events such as far distant wars to distract the public, then whether you love or hate Bush you'll be fascinated by the insights this book offers.
    Bush may be a liar, but he's not stupid. Bush may be the best tonic for America since President Theodore Roosevelt, but that doesn't make him trustworthy. In either case, Krugman deftly pulls back the layers of deception (call it a smokescreen if you're a Bush fan) to illustrate a very dynamic revolution in America.
    This is a tremendous book. It's a tale of terror for those who hate Bush; it's a triumph for those who think the government should get out of the insurance business.
    30 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on January 4, 2015
    Good writing and great commentary but becoming less interesting compared to what happened in the recession of 2008-9. There are many parallels between the time period this book talks about and present day (2014-15). The book can seem redundant in its criticisms of the Bush Administration after awhile. However he effectively sheds light of the radical right-wing workings of the Bush Administration which caused many of the problems we are dealing with today.

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  • recluse
    3.0 out of 5 stars 読んでみてください
    Reviewed in Japan on October 9, 2003
    想像するよりも、過激な本でした。だって序文で、KISSINGERの処女作のRESTORED WORLDを取り上げてブッシュ政権の性格付けをしていたのには驚きました。もはや、これは革命政権だと言い切っているわけですから。基はニューヨークタイムズに掲載されたコラムです。取り上げられているのは基本的にブッシュ政権の政策、並びに政権の性格に着いての驚くほどの批判のオンパレードです。カリフォルニアの電力危機、減税政策、環境政策、エンロン問題など多岐にわたりますが、ほとんどの問題については、私の知識では正邪の判断をつけることは無理です。ただこの政権の持つイデオロギー性の指摘については、強い印象を受けました。結果として、読者に、こんな政権や政治は果たして長持ちするのでしょうかという疑問を抱かせることには成功していると思います。結構、メランコリックになっているのは、Ralph Naderについての部分ですね。逆に力が入っているのは、チェイニーやイギリスの料理の変化の部分かな。あっという間に読める本です。