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Right-Wing Critics of American Conservatism Hardcover – March 1, 2016
| George Hawley (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
The right-wing intellectual movements considered here differ both from mainstream conservatism and from each other when it comes to fundamental premises, such as the value of equality, the proper role of the state, the importance of free markets, the place of religion in politics, and attitudes toward race. In clear and dispassionate terms, Hawley examines localists who exhibit equal skepticism toward big business and big government, paleoconservatives who look to the distant past for guidance and wish to turn back the clock, radical libertarians who are not content to be junior partners in the conservative movement, and various strains of white supremacy and the radical right in America.
In the Internet age, where access is no longer determined by the select few, the independent right has far greater opportunities to make its many voices heard. This timely work puts those voices into context and historical perspective, clarifying our understanding of the American right—past, present, and future.
- Print length376 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherUniversity Press of Kansas
- Publication dateMarch 1, 2016
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.25 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100700621938
- ISBN-13978-0700621934
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"The best guide to the bizarre reality of the 2016 GOP."—Reason Magazine
"The book’s tone is exquisitely non-judgmental, but it is clear that Hawley’s interest is not just academic. . . . In chapters on localists, libertarians, paleoconservatives, and white nationalists, he provides thorough summaries of major figures and arguments."—The American Conservative
"[Hawley] tells an important story about how the conservative movement has been shaped over its history."—Choice
"In this highly readable and well-researched study, George Hawley persuasively shows that the various disaffected right-wing movements in America, which have often been unfairly banished to the political margins by the mainstream conservative movement, deserve far more serious attention than they have received to date."-- Grant Havers, author of Leo Strauss and Anglo-American Democracy: A Conservative Critique
"For anyone trying to understand how modern conservatives have worked to create an intellectually legitimate, politically successful movement, this book is essential reading."--David Farber, author of The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism: A Short History
"An intellectual page-turner, a safari through an exotic world of amusing, strange, compelling, and creepy right-wing political thought. Hawley is an outstanding guide: knowledgeable, eloquent, fair, curious, and a great listener."--Bryan Caplan, author of The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies
"A solid introduction to the conservative sects, both large and small, that seek to influence our politics today. His book is especially useful for students interested in the variety of conservative groups that have existed since the 1950's." --Jeremy D. Bailey, author of The Contested Removal Power, 1789-2010
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : University Press of Kansas (March 1, 2016)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 376 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0700621938
- ISBN-13 : 978-0700621934
- Item Weight : 1.62 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1.25 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,712,429 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #4,521 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #7,125 in Political Philosophy (Books)
- #12,934 in History & Theory of Politics
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

I am an associate professor of political science at the University of Alabama. My research interests include demography, electoral behavior, political parties, immigration policy, the radical right, and the conservative movement in America.
I earned my Ph.D in political science from the University of Houston and my undergraduate degrees in political science and print journalism from Central Washington University.
Before entering graduate school, I worked in politics in Washington, DC, for multiple groups and individuals. While my teaching and academic research keep me busy, I am also an active consultant and media commentator (and always looking for new projects).
While I am a proud native of the Pacific Northwest, I presently enjoy life with my wife and children here in the heart of Dixie.
Visit my website at www.georgehawley.com.
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Chapter 1 begins with formulating an operational definition of "left" and "right". Hawley identifies "left-wing" movements as those which treat equality as the highest political value. That is, left-wing movements seek to minimize the economic and social inequalities that exist between different classes, races, genders etc. The "right-wing" label, then, refers to those intellectual movements which don't assign equality to the highest rung. The next section briefly outlines the ideological convictions of what Murray Rothbard referred to as the "old right"; namely, the right-wing thinkers of the pre-WW2 era who were staunchly opposed to the left-leaning political climate. Hawley remarks that these individuals "had scant resemblance to American conservatives today" and it is tempting to consider what they would have thought of American conservatism in its contemporary manifestation. The rest of the chapter is devoted to the origins of the conservative movement and the major players who were involved in formulating a coherent political philosophy.
The next chapter describes how the budding conservative movement frequently engaged in “purges" as it sought to define the boundaries of acceptable discourse within its own borders. When an organization or individual wandered too far outside the bounds of tolerable rhetoric or action, such as expressing racial or anti-Semitic sentiments, the major leaders of the conservative movement would decry and shun these "dissidents" and keep them at arm's length. This would also occur when one of these objectors would find themselves at odds with one of the conservative movement's foundational elements and publicly voice their hostilities towards it. Hawley mentions Ayn Rand and the Objectivists, the John Birch Society, and many others who were booted out of the conservative tent for demonstrating their unwillingness to conform with the movement's sensibilities.
Chapter 3 is dedicated to the group of writers and activists whom Hawley collectively refers to as "localists." These individuals desired the return of small-scale agrarian communities and rejected the cultural and economic consequences of urbanization. These men stressed the importance of intermediate institutions--such as churches and schools -- that existed between the individual and the state and served to cultivate a sense of common culture while preserving the group identity of the people who resided within that community.
Chapter 4 is relatively short and introduces the idea of "secular conservatizes" as those individuals who align themselves with conventional conservative causes but deviate on the issue of religion. Ayn Rand is revisited again as well as other writers and journalists, and we see the degree to which traditional Christian conservatives constitute a robust force within the organized conservative movement.
Chapters 5 and 6 are dedicated to the mainstream libertarian movement and their radical, anti-statist counterparts. These chapters are noteworthy since, up until now, no other right-wing groups discussed have displayed the level of prominence that is enjoyed by the mainstream libertarian movement. It's think-tanks and publications receive generous funding from wealthy donors and libertarian policies have continued to gain influence within the political scene. Hawley admits that libertarians do not yet have the level of support from the electorate as do conservatives, but he makes a convincing case for their potential to supersede the mainstream right should we see a decline in their ability to wield political/intellectual authority.
Chapters 7-9 deal with the paleoconservative movement, the European new-right, and American white nationalism. Hawley’s organization of these chapters is appropriate since the three movements are, to some degree, interrelated and rank in increasing order according to their proclivity for radicalism. The chapter on white nationalism has an antiquated feel to it since many of the “first generation” activists and intellectuals associated with the movement are either deceased or elderly. It is quite a remarkable occurrence, then, that a new white nationalist movement (Alt-Right) should emerge in the months following the publication of this book, and given Hawley’s record for documenting these fringe movements it is unsurprising that he would write a book on the Alt-Right.
The concluding chapter assumes a somber tone as it attempts to outline the reasons for mainstream conservatism’s decline. There are several pressing factors that hold sway over conservatism’s fate, but the salient one is the country’s changing demographics. White, middle-class voters have long been the primary constituents of the GOP and as this crucial sector of the population recedes in number, the Republican Party—and the conservative movement hitched to it -- will have a challenging time reaching out to large swaths of the American electorate who are less than sympathetic to right-wing causes. In Hawley’s final assessment, he maintains that the mainstream libertarian movement will be the most likely group to fill the vacuum of right-wing political influence if the conservative movement should follow its current trajectory. Had I read this book last year I would have agreed with this estimation. Recent circumstances, however, have forced me to look in the direction of a smaller, more obscure group: the Alt-Right. Although this movement has a Sisyphean task in front of it, its members are able to conveniently side-step traditional methods of disseminating ideas and can direct the public’s attention towards them. Regardless, conservatives should acknowledge their current predicament and act accordingly if they are to maintain control within the political arena.
Right-Wing Critics of American Conservatism offers a glimpse into the world of right-wing thought and presents a clear account of the numerous ideological currents that seek the mantle of political power in the United States. This book should be widely read by conservatives but why worry about the future of your movement when Donald Trump’s tweets threaten to uproot the societal foundations of the United States? I look forward to Hawley’s future work and hope that he will retain his dispassionate and balanced tone as it is of paramount importance in this hysterical political climate.
Hawley is a great author. Erudite but accessible, evenhanded but with a wry sense of humor. Hawley clearly knows his stuff, and he brings nuanced analysis to bear. This is by far the best book of the three, and I look forward to Hawley's next book.
Right Wing Critics of American Conservatism offers a clear compendium of the conservative thought. While taking two chapters to explain the formation of mainstream conservative thought the rest of the book is dedicated to the less distinctive members who rest upon the same political spectrum. These would happen to include the localist tradition, secular conservatives, the variant branches of libertarianism, paleoconservatism, white nationalism, and even includes a chapter regarding the European New Right. Care is also taken to assess certain conceptual positions within mainstream conservatism
For those hoping that this book will provide insight as to how someone like Donald Trump could win the presidential election, such an illuminating explanation does not occur. However there are trends of conservatism striking resemblance, most notably Samuel T. Francis’ Middle American Radicalism and elements of paleoconservatism which are discussed in some detail.
I should specify two things. First, to tie Donald Trump to an ideological strand of conservatism may be an incorrect assertion as he lacks any commitment to an ideology. He does however exercise rhetoric bearing heavy resemblance to certain elements within non-dominant strands of conservatism. Second, most scholarly observers would not have expected the results of the general election. Hawley’s own assessment of American conservatism expresses an argument that the strand of mainstream and moderate libertarianism will become the dominate ideology within the conservative movement. This could be the case, however with the general election producing as its president elect a “big government” republican, it seems somewhat unlikely.
I would recommend this text for anyone as it is extremely well written, accessible, and Hawley’s approach is academic rather than polemical. Hawley’s scholarship is excellent and any student interested in the topic should read this text and refer to it often.