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Weapons of Mass Deception : The Uses of Propaganda Hardcover

4.4 4.4 out of 5 stars 52 ratings

Libro usado en buenas condiciones, por su antiguedad podria contener señales normales de uso
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4.4 out of 5 stars
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  • Reviewed in the United States on July 28, 2003
    In French academic Jacques Ellul's classic tome on the nature and uses of propaganda, Ellul warns against the arrogant and misguided assumption in most social democracies to discount the use of such unobtrusive means of political persuasion in their societies. According to Ellul, all of the Western democracies are every bit as vulnerable to propaganda's sinister anti-democratic effects as any other sort of `less sophisticated' (read "totalitarian" here) culture. As Ellul persuasively argues, no such invulnerability pertains. Indeed, in a modern society characterized by a powerful, affluent, and resourceful central government, one that is highly influenced by the predominant voices of industry and the economically powerful, the means of such `friendly persuasion' are both more prevalent and more dangerous than anywhere else. In this book, "Weapons Of Mass Deception", we have a literal case study of how the authors, Sheldon Rampton and John C. Stauber, have observed the current Bush administration blatantly attempt to subvert the democratic process by foisting such a propaganda campaign in support of a war of aggression against the Iraqis.
    Indeed, shortly after the events of September 11, 2001, members of the current administration hired advertising executives to direct a media campaign to convince the populace of the need to conduct a preemptive attack of Iraq in pursuit of eventual security against perceived potential terrorist threats. President Bush's National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice was quoted as pointedly requesting position papers from her White House staffers as to how the administration could immediately begin using the events of 911 to further the administration's domestic and foreign policy goals. Other public relation advisors were brought in to help construct the Bush administration's on-point approach toward justifying and selling the idea of the preemptive strike to a public both disoriented and frightened by the terrorist attack on 911. A variety of different attempts to forward this action were taken and `floated' in various ploys to judge what specific combinations of reasons and justifications would best `play' to sell the war to the aggravated and anxious populace.
    Thus we had an initial attempt by the organs of government to use the realtively straightforward idea of simple `regime change' as a justification for moving against Iraq, which clearly failed to elicit the desired positive effect on public opinion. Next on the sheet of potential arguments that the Bush administration was auditioning was a rather tortured attempt to use the United Nations as a forum to drag out old unresolved charges against Iraq involving international inspections, an issue which had both they and the Clinton administration hasd allowed to lay fallow for the previous four years. When this argument also failed as the rest of the civilized world reacted in horror to the procoative notion of immedaitely attacking Iraq, the Bush administration began to thread together a more independent and more substantive (though circumstantial) set of `smoking gun' notions linking Iraq to terrorist groups like Osama Bin Laden's Al Quaida on the one hand, and suggesting renewed attempts to gain a significant new capability to develop and deploy weapons of mass destruction (WMD) on the part of Saddam Hussein's government, on the other. Evidently the Bush White House staffers and the analysts with both the Defense Department and intelligence agencies didn't allow themselves to be unduly hamstrung by the available evidence. Instead, they exaggerated, misinterpreted, and even prevaricated about both the nature of and the validity of such "evidence" in constructing their arguments suporting intervention to the public.
    This is obviously a book that will be seen as exteremly controversial and politically provocative, one that the various pundits on either side of the political aisle will rush to either endorse or assail in order to gain immediate advantage, and to attempt to put the best `spin' on long before the public has a chance to evaluate it on their own. In this way, even the argument about the way this administration has used a cynical, subversive and anti-democratic propagandist approach to explain and justify the war against Iraq may become yet another weapon in the ongoing media effort to persuade and describe the public perceptions of and interpretation of, events the powers that be want to manipulate for public consumption. This is a wonderful book, and one that is sure to soon be the talk of the pundits. Move over, Ann Coulter, your fifteen minutes in the spotlight's glare is over. Enjoy!
    81 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on March 4, 2005
    Deception has become a popular practice in modern society, but it is not all pervasive, since if it were there would be no change and no criticism. Without a doubt there would not be the plethora of ideas that now exists if everyone was convinced that the practice of deception is a moral or practical imperative. However, it is the modus operandi of government officials and advertising executives, who believe that without it no products could be sold and no wars could be fought. Their belief in deception has its roots in their own insecurities: they simply do not believe that they can give convincing arguments or rationales behind the products they manufacture or the ideologies they believe. Government officials have another belief that puts them to some extent in the same camp as academicians and educated intellectuals: they believe that "the public is dumb" and therefore needs to be deceived. To not deceive the public is to let them lead themselves astray and pursue irrational or destructive tendencies. The belief that "the public is dumb" is not unique to any political or partisan cause, and it is accepted as "commonsense" by most individuals in government and those in its supporting infrastructure.

    This book discusses the techniques and modern history of propaganda and advertising as it was applied to justify the current conflict in Iraq. It does so however from a general non-scientific viewpoint, and thus does not attempt to give a scientific understanding of why populations are sometimes taken by sloganeering, propaganda, and other forms of media hype. If the book made connections with current research in neuroscience, it would have been a lot more interesting. As it stands it should be thought of as a "first approximation" to a full understanding of the efficacy of advertising and propaganda techniques. Such an understanding would be very helpful to those who are not only curious about the effects of the media on the human brain, but also want to discover countermeasures to these effects.

    Some of the virtues of the book include its description of the extent to which the horror of the 9/11 attacks was exploited by many different groups, and not just those in government. The current administration of course was the worse culprit and took full advantage of the anxiety felt by most everyone after 9/11 in order to launch a brutal, illegal, and immoral war in Iraq. The authors give many more examples of political and interest groups who squeezed every drop they could out of the 9/11 disaster. The tactics of deception used were independent of the beliefs and ideologies of the respective groups. Both Democrats and Republicans had absolutely no qualms about using the 9/11 nightmare to propagate with gusto their political memes.

    When reading the book, it is amazing to see the amount of money that was spent by public relations and advertising firms hired specifically to take advantage of the fears of the "general public." The authors correctly advise against letting fear rule our lives, and this book actually assists in encouraging a strong sense of skepticism toward the media and the government. In every waking hour of our lives we must critically examine all news stories, speeches, and political and commercial advertisements so as not to be inadvertently influenced by their content. Neuroscience teaches us that the human brain is susceptible to deceptive information if conscious effort is not made to examine it carefully and deliberately, but it is also able to differentiate between what is plausible and what is implausible. A focused, skeptical public can definitely serve as countervailing power to the lies and rubbish that proceed from cynical and amoral advertising agencies and government institutions.
    5 people found this helpful
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  • Andres Vargas R
    4.0 out of 5 stars Muy buena
    Reviewed in Mexico on March 2, 2022
    Describe las situaciones y eventos con otra visión de los hechos, diferente a las visiones tradicionales sobre los conflictos en Medio Oriente
  • stetch
    4.0 out of 5 stars Spannende Darstellung der US Kriegspropaganda im Irak-Krieg
    Reviewed in Germany on April 7, 2020
    Sehr detaillierte Darstellung, wie vor, während und nach dem Angriff auf den Irak die globalen Massenmedien von der US Regierung getäuscht und belogen wurden. Falsche Behauptungen, "getürkte" Beweise, gestellte Filmaufnahmen, etc. Leider hat man das Prinzip der US Kriegspropaganda nach den ersten 40 Seiten des Buches begriffen und danach wiederholt sich das Buch inhaltlich, indem es fortlaufend neue Fälle nennt. Eine echte Fleißarbeit. Trotzdem als Buch sehr lesenswert.
  • mtanaka7
    5.0 out of 5 stars 完璧なジョークで装った、完璧なイカサマ破り!
    Reviewed in Japan on January 7, 2004
    まず、何といっても、最大のイカサマに対して最高のジョークが一発。とんだWMDである。表紙を見ているだけでも楽しい。けれども、中身の分析は半端ではない。「ならずもの」の「大量破壊兵器」を探しているはずが、じつは真の「ならずもの」が「大規模イカサマ兵器」をあれやこれやと苦心惨憺の始末。近年、メディア操作が注目を浴びているが、ブッシュ・ブレア・コンビの場合は、説得術やメディア操作などという代物ではなく、テロや独裁者を利用して、白を黒と無理矢理納得させているようなものである。このようなイカサマがまかり通る世界に、私たちは生きているのであろうか?
  • Amazon Customer
    4.0 out of 5 stars Four Stars
    Reviewed in Canada on July 19, 2017
    Very interesting read and very insightful.
  • michael_hosino
    4.0 out of 5 stars 「大衆を欺く兵器」米国の最新戦争プロパガンダの恐怖
    Reviewed in Japan on September 3, 2003
    「自由のための戦争」を演出するために雇われた、PR企業のエキスパート達。彼らの関心は自らのキャリアアップだけである。
    FOX,CNN他ニュースネットワークは爆撃されたイラク人被害者の映像(=死)を徹底に隠蔽し、戦争報道ならぬ「戦争ライブ」で視聴率競争に熱を上げる。大手メディア企業にとって「真実」は経営者の関心事項ではない。
    湾岸戦争で戦場を駆けた軍用4WD車を、テレビで観ていたアーノルド・シュワルツネガーが街乗り用に要求。それに応えてメーカーのAMゼネラル社は「画期的な新製品」として軍用車両を一般化し、結果として米国中で大流行したSUV車。「愛国」の名の下に、戦争までも大量消費するという不気味な資本主義の一例だ。
    つまるところ、アメリカにとって戦争とは、国!家を挙げた大事業なのだ。株主とCEOの利益最大化を目指し、米国の企業人たちは積極的に、この狂気のビジネスのために労働者の税金を投資しているのである。ファーストフード店勤務よりも安い月給で地獄の戦場に赴き、運良く帰国しても劣化ウラン弾の後遺症に苦しむアメリカ兵士達の警告も聞かずに。
    この本を読めば、そんなアメリカが実感できる。