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National Insecurity: U.S. Intelligence After the Cold War Hardcover – December 21, 1999
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In "National Insecurity" ten prominent experts describe, from an insider perspective, what went wrong with U.S. intelligence and what will be necessary to fix it. Drawing on their experience in government administration, research, and the foreign service, they propose a radical rethinking of the United States' intelligence needs in the post-Cold War world. In addition, they offer a coherent and unified plan for reform that can simultaneously protect U. S. security and uphold the values of our democratic system.
As we now know, even during the Cold War, when intelligence was seen as a matter of life and death, our system served us badly. It provided unreliable information, which led to a grossly inflated military budget, as it wreaked havoc around the world, supporting corrupt regimes, promoting the drug trade, and repeatedly violating foreign and domestic laws. Protected by a shroud of secrecy, it paid no price for its mistakes. Instead it grew larger and more insulated every year.
Taking into consideration our strategic interests abroad as well as the price of covert operations in dollars, in reliability, and in good will, every American taxpayer can be informed by and will want to read this book. "National Insecurity" is essential for readers interested in contemporary political issues, international relations, U.S. history, public policy issues, foreign policy, intelligence reform, and political science.
- Print length241 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherTemple University Press
- Publication dateDecember 21, 1999
- Dimensions6 x 1 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101566397448
- ISBN-13978-1566397445
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- Reviewed in the United States on April 24, 2000Most thoughtful observers agree that our intelligence community (Central Intelligence Agency, Defense Intelligence Agency, Department of State, National Security Agency, National Reconnaissance Office and National Imagery and Mapping Agency) remains structured for the Cold War and badly needs reform to meet the challenges of the new century. And they tend to agree on its principal weaknesses, a familiar litany for those who follow these matters: inability to produce analysis useful to policy makers, politicization of intelligence product, emergence of an "intelligence-industrial complex", wasteful spending, damaging and counterproductive covert operations, inadequate legislative oversight, overly restrictive secrecy regime and so on.
But when it comes to what should be done, the consensus breaks down. The Center for International Policy, editor Craig Eisendrath and the ten other contributors to this volume have provided a comprehensive assessment of the community's current ills and prescribed remedial actions. Their numbers include: a former director of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research, a long-time chief of staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC), a former CIA analyst and division head, a former OMB budget examiner for intelligence, two former career ambassadors, and the former chief investigator for the SFRC and the Iran-Contra investigation. All bring extensive experience with or within the intelligence community to the table, provide a wide range of practical knowledge and argue the case for reform persuasively.
For the most part the reforms they recommend seem reasoned and reasonable, though many, as they note, strike at the heart of bureaucratic and vested interests and are likely to be difficult to implement. There was, however, one glaring exception to my "reasoned and reasonable" rule: several of the contributors suggested that at least part of the CIA's covert operations responsibility be transferred to Defense. I can think of no worse solution to the quandaries posed by maintaining a covert operations capability.
In sum, this is an extremely important and readable book on a subject that should be high on the next administration's list of priorities. Most of its recommendations deserve very serious consideration and, hopefully, adoption.