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The Revolt of the Public and the Crisis of Authority in the New Millennium Hardcover – December 4, 2018

4.5 4.5 out of 5 stars 793 ratings

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How insurgencies—enabled by digital devices and a vast information sphere—have mobilized millions of ordinary people around the world.

In the words of economist and scholar Arnold Kling, Martin Gurri saw it coming. Technology has categorically reversed the information balance of power between the public and the elites who manage the great hierarchical institutions of the industrial age: government, political parties, the media.
The Revolt of the Public tells the story of how insurgencies, enabled by digital devices and a vast information sphere, have mobilized millions of ordinary people around the world.

Originally published in 2014,
The Revolt of the Public is now available in an updated edition, which includes an extensive analysis of Donald Trump’s improbable rise to the presidency and the electoral triumphs of Brexit. The book concludes with a speculative look forward, pondering whether the current elite class can bring about a reformation of the democratic process and whether new organizing principles, adapted to a digital world, can arise out of the present political turbulence.
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4.5 out of 5 stars
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Customers find the book insightful and analytical. It helps them understand current events that had left them perplexed. The author provides a clearer picture of the forces at work in our society, providing an iconoclastic and illuminating perspective.

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21 customers mention "Insight"21 positive0 negative

Customers find the book insightful and analytical. It helps them understand current events that had left them perplexed. The theory is interesting, but tainted by libertarian dogma. However, the analysis seems well-thought-out and makes sense. It provides an impressive summary of global political movements post 2001 and captures the spirit of our time.

"...and take away from Gurri's book is that it offers a framework to understand our current situation...." Read more

"...The model accounts pretty compellingly for a lot of what happened with those movements, and you can see why the book was credited with predicting..." Read more

"...It's enlightening, and avoids the usual jingoism that pollutes many analyses of this strange chapter in modern American history...." Read more

"...interesting because it gets some string and tries to connect years of real-world events to an over-arching societal progression in governmental/..." Read more

3 customers mention "Clarity"3 positive0 negative

Customers appreciate the book's clarity. They find it provides a clearer picture of the forces at work in the world and is more illuminating than other authors on similar topics.

"The author provides a fairly complete picture of the forces at work in our society today, yet the book suffers from a common malady of self-..." Read more

"...The author's a great thinker, more iconoclastic and illuminating than authors I've read on similar topics like Franklin Foer, Malcolm Gladwell, and..." Read more

"...It told me what I knew already and showed me another way to see them. Now I see it everywhere...." Read more

The cover is falling off.
1 out of 5 stars
The cover is falling off.
I bought this and opened it up and found out the cover was falling off. Well crap happens sent it back to amazon which was fairly painless. Just got a replacement exact same problem. I think they may have a defective batch of books. I was looking forward to reading it guess that won't happen as I am sending this one in for a refund rather than an exchange this time.As far as how good of a read it is I couldn't tell you sorry.
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Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on February 26, 2024
    I've been reading Martin Gurri's The Revolt of the Public (2018) and sent a review of the book to a group of friends on the Left and Right that I've been talking to and corresponding with (see below).
    Gurri claims that with the advent of the internet and social media we've entered what he calls the Fifth Wave of information technology, which has revolutionized and democratized the public's access to information. As a result, both authoritarian and liberal democracies have become threatened, as the hierarchical, top-down flow of information has become disrupted and led to a crisis in authority. He uses as examples the Arab Spring in 2011, which deposed the government in Tunesia and Mubarak's three-decade rule in Egypt. He uses many other examples such as the indignados revolt in Spain, the Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, and eventually Brexit and Trump. While the book was published in 2014, an addition, "Reconsiderations: Trump, Brexit, and Farewell to All That" was added in 2018. Gurri was a former CIA analyst and approaches this work from an analytic perspective with very little bias, critical of both Obama and Trump.
    What I believe to be the main insight and take away from Gurri's book is that it offers a framework to understand our current situation. He favors neither the public, which is in revolt but hasn't been able to govern, or the status quo elite, still stuck in what he calls an industrial age mindset or paradigm and feeling threatened by the public's access to information. He uses the work of Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky (Risk and Culture: An Essay of Technological and Environmental Dangers, 1985) as a model to describe these changes: The Center refers to a continuation of the status quo and its protection, while the Border refers to the public or networks, which are voluntary associations of equals. It's a theme that recurs throughout the book and sheds light on the current efforts of governments to censor the opposition.
    Another thing I appreciate about Gurri is the distinction he makes between rhetoric and behavior. Trump basically exemplifies the over-the-top, combative rhetoric of the public/internet sphere, while his actual policies were typically Republican with the exception increased protectionism for American business and decreased interventionism in foreign policy (my opinion). He also sees the opposition response (Democratic media and NeverTrumper) to Trump as hysterical and over-the-top as well.
    A question came up from one of the group about Gurri's thoughts about the future, I responded:
    Gurri makes it clear that he's not a prognosticator or prophet; he's an analyst describing what he sees. But on our present course what he basically sees is no resolution to the elite vs. public dynamic: In his examples, the public usually has no theory or method of governance and the elite is weak, paralyzed, and feeling threatened. The details of course change somewhat from country to country with different cultures and traditions. He does caution about the threat of nihilism as demonstrated in the wanton destruction and killing in mass murders and the terrorist state of ISIS, with one possible solution being more “localism” as exemplified by Switzerland and the digitized government of Estonia, though the latter “lies beyond the reach of gargantuan-sized national bureaucracies.” Lastly, he calls for the need of a new elite selected by the public and characterized by integrity, honesty and humility with reduced distance between the government and the governed. This is his hope to restore the public’s faith in the democratic republican form of government. He ends the book in 2018 so the Mueller and Durham reports haven't been revealed, COVID hasn't happened, and the 2020 Election and Jan. 6th haven't occurred. Gurri like many others has been influenced by Nicholas Nassim Taleb so there remains the possibility (maybe inevitability) of another Black Swan event like 9/11 or the 2007-08 market crash.
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  • Reviewed in the United States on September 23, 2024
    I love the way this all applies to what’s happening in our society today
  • Reviewed in the United States on August 15, 2023
    There are moments reading this description of post-2008 political anxieties that it resembles a horror show, but how much of this is ‘horror’ and how much is ‘show’’? Certainly the realities of the ISIS terror-state were horrific enough as detailed in the last chapter added to the revised edition of this work first published in 2014. Dismantling the ISIS ‘caliphate’ is the rare example of an institutional or systemic success cited by the author and here I would have to agree the global system scored a win. Gurri’s discussion of Spain circa 2011 however offers more surreal than real horrors from the political system, particularly the bit about the “silent scream”. To illustrate, I’ll mention in passing that according to social systems theory, communication along with the attendant information (and redundancy) is essentially ‘society’, otherwise described as differentiated (modern) systems of communication such as law, politics, economy, art, science, religion etc. With the Spanish example you can clearly see the strong differentiation of the political system (which includes the street protests) from the legal system (which would include the specific mechanisms of casting and counting votes). The street may engage in a silent scream, but blank votes aren’t counted. (see pp. 105-06) Still the message here of the silent scream, like so many dystopian postmodern horror films circa 2011 is that ‘society needs to crumble.’ Yes, in the heady atmosphere of post-Trump paranoia, it is difficult to deny the extremes of communication have been amplified by the internet, yet historically horror films dropped the classical or ‘secure’ narrative form in favor of the ‘postmodern’, insecure or paranoid style around 1968. Gurri skates over history like thin ice. Looking back from the present, his ‘phase change’ of 2011 seems light years away. He does talk about this modern idea of “impermanence” too. Though I find Gurri’s use of ‘industrial age’ as a broad category to be an oversimplification, on this perhaps the author and I might agree, that books are in many ways relics from the previous age, whatever you want to call it. Perhaps so are book lovers. This last realization I find incredibly depressing and it almost makes me want to stop writing. It reminds me of another book I read about how we are leaving behind logos and moving to the age of ‘iconos’ where the image replaces the word. The idea of ‘iconos’ was presented in such a hyper-inflationary and conspiracy-theory-driven frame I found it reprehensible. Gurri too discusses the modern power of the image, and his book here is almost reasonable in comparison. Still perhaps both relics prophetically describe the future to which we are headed, a Zardoz-type-world as I’ve imagined it at times, with high tech enclaves (center) surrounded by barbarians (border) warring over the scraps. The author’s borrowed idea about center/border distinction is accurate enough. ‘Waiting for the barbarians’ also springs to mind. Horror films use zombies to describe this feeling, and Gurri is not afraid to use that analogy for traditional institutions such as the section titled ‘Zombie Democracy, Mass Extinction Horror Show’. (p. 239) But again, is this reality, or ‘only a movie’, i.e. merely an (insecure or even paranoid) observation from the perspective of the political system? The difference from my understanding is that center/border describes system operations *within* closed systems of communication, aka ‘society’. One could say ‘inside/outside’ or ‘power/opposition’. Niklas Luhmann called this also ‘inclusion/exclusion’. Certainly some well-fed individuals from the ‘center’, generally fanatics but also some politicians, imagine they are excluded from modern society in the sense that ordinary rules do not apply to them. I’m sure which politicians you see in this light may depend on your partisan alignment. I would say this is a universal human weakness, and also a natural feeling at times given the society/individual distinction so prominent in modern life. Certainly fanatics may be everyday people, even “you and me” as Gurri reminds the reader, (p. 236) but one need merely read Dostoevsky or look at Ira Einhorn (‘the Unicorn Killer’), Baader-Meinhof or Charlie Manson’s Family to see that modern society has never had a shortage of well-fed fanatical nihilists who cling to scraps of empty rhetoric and aim to make their mark on society regardless of the cost. Perhaps Gurri’s real score here is that the communicative range of fanatics may have been limited due to prior media technologies and forms. The Unabomber certainly achieved worldwide distribution of his message, but only after a letter bombing campaign that lasted decades. Has Gurri “gone native” (p. 25) and become convinced that we have to destroy the global village to save it?! Not entirely. Still in many ways this book to me resembles a kind of Malleus Maleficarum for the Internet age, an excuse for governments to hunt down the new witchcraft aka ‘nihilists’ (i.e. potential ‘domestic terrorists’) of all sorts. But do governments need an excuse? Gurri appears less terrified of authoritarian/totalitarian governments like China and more terrified at the thought of uncertainty, which he calls “a splinter of doubt festering in all we know, a radical disillusionment with the institutions of settled truth”. (p. 179) This reminds me of a movie set during the Cold War and based on one of John le Carré’s books where the spymaster describes the weakness of his arch nemesis as being that the man is a ‘fanatic’ and ‘the fanatic is always concealing a secret doubt’. Thus spies and other risk managers are supposed to be comfortable with uncertainty and also comfortable with the imperfections of their own system, I suppose is a message from le Carré, whose (Western) heroes usually wear their uncertainty and doubt on their sleeves. Did Gurri not learn such a lesson during his time at the CIA? My idea here is that he may be conflating increasing complexity/information with instability/uncertainty. Though they often resemble each other, these are distinct from the perspective of the system itself (as opposed to individuals observing it). Gurri has also become hung up on the idea of ‘perfection’ as an ‘industrial’ age idea, when I see this mostly as a straw man. The architects of the Cold War, aside perhaps from a few fanatics (Sidney Gottlieb springs to mind), knew they were playing an imperfect game. Ironically for a former CIA man, though he discusses the Cold War he refuses to embrace that conflict as a major success of government (or at least the democratic, ‘open’ segment of global society), and as a situation where perfection was not the aim but rather merely ‘containment’. The Space Race too is skipped over in Gurri’s analysis of institutional failure/success. He does accurately describe the “iron triangle of government, the universities, and the corporate world [that] controls the careers of individual scientists” in contrast to the earlier heroic yet modern age when Einstein was (at least portrayed as) a “lonely and disinterested seeker after truth”. (p. 148) Yet Thomas Pynchon has been writing about this folklore since at least 1966 the last I checked. Certainly in “JFK’s time, the public and the elites averted their gaze from the emperor’s nakedness”, (p. 213) but this did not hold true so much for the next President, Lyndon Johnson—so why does Gurri present such a myopic view of historical time? Perhaps Gurri is the one expecting too much perfection from society, and history—it seems a blind spot in his analysis. From the individual perspective (the ‘personal’ that Gurri wants to embrace), society feels unstable now, with this I agree. The internet and information (even ‘disinformation’ or perhaps counterintelligence) had a hand in this instability, yes. The author makes the solid point that “‘catalyst’ rather than ‘cause’” is the emphasis here as “even the simplest human events constitute complex systems ruled by nonlinearities. Within such systems, teasing out a single episode and proclaiming it the prime mover makes as much sense as picking a grain of sand and calling it ‘the beach.’” (p. 43) Yes! If only we could get more academics and politicians to agree that society is not a trivial machine! Systems theory and, in tandem, modern risk theory suggest that (social) grains of sand pile up until (social) accidents happen! This cuts into all manner of forecasting and attempts at control or steering of society. Who can count all these grains of sand?! The author understands this, yet has a strange notion that ‘opposition’ post-Internet is somehow special merely because it is louder. “To stand for change now means to be anti-system, anti-program, anti-ideolology[sic].” Quite a typo, “-lology” like LOL. (p. 67) In many ways this makes no sense from a scientific (or historical) perspective, but then again science is an authoritative structure, isn’t it? Does the author even recall punk rock, surrealism, dada or (dare I mention it) the chaos of the late 60s and early 70s? Yes many of these examples are mostly from the art system, but look at those time periods and there is some structural coupling with the political system as well. The “middle-class hipster”, intellectual and elite types have always been the most easily seduced by radical nonsense, (p. 116) but so too can even sophisticated political commentary conflate “behavior” with “rhetoric”. (p. 312) Gurri claims he wrote the first edition of this book to describe how “new information technologies . . . had shattered the categories we inherited from the industrial age”. (p. 285) I’ve already described my difficulty with his broad brush category of ‘industrial’, but more importantly, does his analysis merely show that individuals often perceive highly complex social systems as unstable or in myopic ways that can lead to tragic results? Any cybernetician from the 1970s I think would agree. A systems theorist might say that to the psychic system ‘the unmarked space becomes indistinguishable from the overmarked space’. Since over a century ago, data initially collected by Yerkes-Dodson supports this idea. I do agree with Gurri that governments may seek to control information more severely as a consequence of social variety powered by social media. Gurri seems to think they cannot do this successfully, but I find that idea naive. Court cases on the First Amendment are ongoing as I write and polls show a large percentage of ‘the public’ would clamp down on speech if they could. Globally at least, free speech is generally disfavored. Post-Trump, it is difficult to argue with the idea that the ‘center’ in many ways has been displaced, or perhaps in a worst case scenario could collapse, i.e. become undifferentiated from other systems as politics aggressively asserts itself across rival systems. As it is now, everyone wants to sit at the ‘border’ or in ‘opposition’ to ‘power’, at least rhetorically, and there’s the difficulty. Even if the volume of ‘border’ rhetoric is much louder now, it remains to be seen how much of this is only talk. The ‘center’ (‘power’) may continue its operations (coding) functionally despite all the wild talk of dissolution, as in the case of Spain 2011 and even Trump ultimately. As Gurri notes, citing Jonathan Haidt no less, “the elites have chosen not to question their own worldview”. (p. 324) It remains to be seen whether this ‘center’ will retreat entirely into the shadows of the corrupt and the criminal, who are able to toss critics out of hotel room windows. Though he does also favor democratic forms, I don’t think governments like China and Russia are as vulnerable to these same social forces. Despite its outward skin of modernization, China as I know it remains at its heart (center?) essentially a premodern or even totalitarian segment of the global system, like North Korea but with a smear of lipstick (or is that blood?) across its zombie face. Kissinger I think still has lipstick traces on his collar from the 70s. The Chinese to my mind merely exchanged the imperial labels for communist ones. I would say Russian history since 1917 too has also been essentially driven by dynastic pretensions, regardless of the Marxist rhetoric. Gurri seems to think the Chinese elite have abandoned Marxism (p. 303), but hardly for democratic liberalism I would say. True, I am no expert, at least on China or Russia. If not for the internet, my amateur review of this book would likely never exist aside from in my own notes. Still, Gurri is willing to admit he is not a fortune teller. My take is we are all now not ‘nihilists’ (or zombies), but amateurs playing at the game called ‘Modern Society’. Certainly the stakes can be much higher than any game. If that is not what Gurri means to say, okay, but what a pretty cover on this book, worth having in any amateur’s library.
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Top reviews from other countries

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  • Janet
    5.0 out of 5 stars A must read for our times.
    Reviewed in Canada on November 18, 2024
    I couldn't possibly recommend a book more than this one. It has helped me make sense of our turbulent times while also giving me lots to think about. Gurri writes clearly, humbly, and intelligently. Reading this book was a treasured experience.
  • RDW
    5.0 out of 5 stars A Significant Book for Our Times
    Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 16, 2024
    Highly recommended, and essential reading for all leaders, especially church leaders. Gurri presents a framework by which we can understand the impact of the information tsunami. More importantly, he lays the groundwork for understanding leadership into the future.
  • Carlos A. V. Silva
    5.0 out of 5 stars Mind blowing
    Reviewed in Brazil on June 20, 2020
    I know, you've heard hundreds of times that the Internet changed everything. But did you really dig what this means? Here you will find some really astonishing insights about the impact of the "fifth wave" on the relation between the networked public and the authority, and how this can affect democracy, capitalism, science. Everything.
  • Jean-Marc POTENTI
    5.0 out of 5 stars Livre à lire
    Reviewed in France on April 30, 2021
    Ouvrage extrêmement pertinent et actuel...
  • Zoltan Orban
    5.0 out of 5 stars Interesting read about challenges in front of (not only modern) democracies
    Reviewed in Germany on February 22, 2019
    It is a really interesting read.