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The Fate of Zionism: A Secular Future for Israel & Palestine Hardcover – October 14, 2003

4.3 4.3 out of 5 stars 9 ratings

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Internationally known historian and rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, best known for his classic The Zionist Idea, challenges us to reexamine the case for the legitimacy of the state of Israel from a secular point of view. He argues that the religious blinders of absolute thinking and hatred have obscured our vision. In this time of great turmoil in the Mideast, when conflict represents a potential nuclear threat to the region and to the world, it is an argument that is more relevant and urgent than ever.

Charting a pragmatic middle path between the Israeli right wing and critics like Edward Said and Noam Chomsky, Hertzberg chronicles the conflict between the original secular vision of Israel and the illusions that came in the subsequent riptide of Israeli triumphalism and the myths of messianism. The deep need of the Israeli people for both power and security has created a paradox, one that can only be solved when the deeper question of legitimacy is addressed in a clear-eyed, secular fashion, away from the growing threat of clashing right wings and religious violence. Hertzberg calls us to go back to the future, to the original idea behind the founding of Israel -- that a people persecuted, marginalized, and murdered under state sanction need a safe land, a place to be independent and free.

Between the growing religiously motivated blindness of the right wing (Arab, Jewish, and American Christian), and the one-sided blindness of the Western liberal intelligentsia, it has become difficult to see the future. Hertzberg calls on the United States to use its power and influence to help recover the original Zionist intent and settle the questions of legitimacy and coexistence for both Israelis and Palestinians.

During his entire career, Hertzberg has been at once supportive of the right to existence of the state of Israel but also a fierce critic of some of its policies -- particularly the abuse of religious sentiments in the social arena. Realistic about the Palestinian injustice that is precipitated, Hertzberg offers a framework for a hopeful solution in a post-religious Zionist realpolitik.

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  • Reviewed in the United States on June 12, 2017
    suggested reading for anyone and everyone who feels the need to reacquaint themselves with the basics of the history of the Mid-East conflict.
  • Reviewed in the United States on February 7, 2014
    I was at a loss as to how this should be rated 3 or 4 stars and ultimately chose 3. Not a great rating considering that I really believe there's quite a bit of substance to Hertzberg's offering and I heartily recommend it with reservations. It is somewhat of a tedious book and presupposes more than a passing knowledge of the issue addressed. That being said, his presentation of the history of the conflict seems evenhanded and that's the book's true worth. My value came from a better understanding of it. I can't really agree or disagree with his conclusions, but do respect his attempts at them. At the book's finish I was still left wondering: "Can there ever be an equitable resolution to the conflict?" and if so, "How might it be achieved?"
  • Reviewed in the United States on December 24, 2004
    While there are a few things about this book that I disagree with very strongly, I still think this book has many good points to make.

    Let's get the bad stuff over with first. Hertzberg, a very knowledgeable person, thinks that although a genuine peace between Arabs and Israelis is not possible, we ought to have an imposed peace. A peace imposed by the United States! No, not a peace. A ceasefire, in which we'd stop Israel from its "creeping annexation" of the West Bank! And use our troops to enforce it, rather than try to use any diplomatic options that might avoid committing American soldiers in such a manner.

    In my opinion, taking Hertzberg's advice literally is not a good idea here. Having the US enforce a cease-fire would risk getting our soldiers attacked by the Arabs, no matter where the lines were drawn. I think American policy in Iraq in 2004 would look positively brilliant by comparison.

    Still, this book is worth four stars. Let me tell you some of the good points the author does make:

    1) Israel is basically secular, not dominated by religious leaders as many of its detractors imply.

    2) Zionism is not colonialism, nor is it racism.

    3) Many Western "liberals" act as if Israel's existence were "the worst outrage that exists today in the world," when in fact it is not even the biggest issue in the Arab world.

    4) The antizionism of the British newspaper, the Guardian, and the French newspaper, Le Monde, is simply "disgusting."

    5) Israel is not simply a US colony, unable to stand up by itself.

    6) Those Westerners who demand the destruction of Israel will gain nothing from it. Certainly, they will not achieve peace, even if they succeed in destroying Israel.

    7) Many attacks on Israel are really proxy attacks on the United States. Noam Chomsky's attacks on the United States are particularly "intolerable." By the way, Hertzberg does us a service by tracing a little of the history of Chomsky's views about Israel.

    8) A partition of the former British Mandate of 1946 will not work. A "two-state solution," something Hertzberg has advocated for the past 35 years, will not work. This is an amazing concession to reality by Hertzberg, and I am impressed that he would not merely realize it but admit it.

    I actually recommend this book.
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  • Reviewed in the United States on November 12, 2003
    An interesting book with several flaws. `The Fate of Zionism' calls on the extremists to put down their words and weapons and find compromise. Typical of the rabbinical theories of Israeli statehood the author calls on the creation of a secular state based on the `original' intent of the founders like Ben-Gurion and Golda. The problem is the author is selective in his choosing of statements by Gurion. While Gurion did condemn the occupation of the West bank he did not believe the Israel should be forced to tolerate a terrorist state of Palestinians, instead Gurion proposed that Jordan occupy Palestine so as to keep the terrorists in check.
    The author ignored the essentially Jewish non-secular nature of the founders of Israel. From Hertzl who yearned for `Der Judenstat' to Ben Gurion who was happy to see rest on Sabbath(whether or not he actually `kindled a fire' on the holy day) to Golda Mier who declared `it is more objectionable for an orthodox soldier to eat from a non-kosher kitchen then for the secular Jew to eat Kosher food'. The founders yearned for labor Zionism not secular Zionism. Secularism means the separation of church and state to such a radical degree that no mention of religion can be made at the state or educational level. This was not the intent of Ben-Gurion in creating an `all Jewish' Histadrut(labour organization) or when he created an all Jewish army or when he emphasized the creation of Jewish `facts on the ground'. Gurion was obviously more obsessed with creating a homeland for ethnically Jewish people, but they still had to be Jewish, practicing or not.
    Unfortunately a secular Israel(if by secular the author wants what we have here in the USA where no sense of religion is introduced in school) is not Israel. Israel without a Jewish majority is not Israel, and without a Jewish majority and a Jewish army the Jews of Israel will be in worse Peril then the Jews of Europe in 1939. This is a fact that the author does not seem to grasp in his argument for the creation of a terrorist state in the west bank.
    7 people found this helpful
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