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Deliver Us from Evil: Peacekeepers, Warlords and a World of Endless Conflict Paperback – August 14, 2001
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- Print length464 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateAugust 14, 2001
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.1 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100743200284
- ISBN-13978-0743200288
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- Reviewed in the United States on October 8, 2011My original search was for a book entitled "Deliver Us From Evil" written by a Naval Officer regarding the Vietnam War. Do you know how many books there are with this title???!!! So...I scoured the authors trying to see if something seemed to fit for a Naval Officer from the Vietnam War. This was as close as I could get...and not the correct one...but very, very interesting. I don't pay much attention to 3rd world problems 1) I can't do anything about them 2) I have my own personal issues and don't need to be worrying about them 3) God is in control and he sees fit to allow these things to happen. -- This book pulls all the wars (1980s-1990s about) into one compact book under the authorship of a British War Correspondent. Written in 2000 it hasn't quite gotten to our 9/11 event, but, nevertheless, it shows how the UN has been involved around the world, and, truthfully, how it may be a hindrance rather than an asset to world peace (to the tune of millions/billions of dollars). Very intriguing and pretty easy to follow. There's a lot I don't understand, but I get the general idea and it's been quite fascinating/troubling.
- Reviewed in the United States on June 14, 2002This is a book about the role of the United Nations in international peacekeeping missions. Prior to the end of the cold war, the United Nations was not able to intervene in regional conflicts. The reason being that the split on the security council meant that one or other of the superpowers would veto actions which would conflict with their national interest. With the end of the cold war the world was faced with the possibility that the United Nations could for the first time try to act to limit human misery brought about by civil war and the collapse of civil authority in some countries. The early nineties also saw the election of the American President Clinton. Clinton at the start of his term was committed to trying to increase the importance of the United Nations as a means of bringing a rational approach to ending conflict. He appointed Madeline Albright as an Ambassador to the UN and there were expectations that something could be achieved.
Shawncross examines a large number of conflicts and looks at the attempts of the UN to achieve some positive result. The vast majority of the cases examined by Shawncross were failures. His book is an examination of how those failures occurred and what factors led to them.
There have however been some successes. The intervention in Cambodia, although it did not lead to the setting up of democratic institutions (Hun Sen was able to quickly set up an authoritarian state after elections were held which should have removed him from power) did lead to the end of the civil war in that country. Although it is only dealt with in a sketchy way the UN intervention in East Timor led to and end to the killing and it now seems possible that a democratic state will emerge.
The failures are however significant. The UN failed to do anything to prevent the genocide in Rwanda. What effectively happened in this case was that the Rwandan population was divided into two ethnic groups. One group the Hutus moved to kill the minority group the Tutis. Over 100,000 Tutis were murdered brutally with the UN taking no action at all. However the story did not end there. A guerilla movement consisting of Tutis was able to take control of the country. The Hutu groups responsible for the initial massacres forced huge numbers of their own people out of the country into neighbouring Zaire to form the basis of a guerilla army. This fought for some time against the victorious Tutis. Eventually the Tutis invaded Zaire massacring huge numbers of Hutu and in the process overturning the government of Mobutu. Some peace keepers were put in place to prevent this but the mission failed abysmally.
Another disappointment was Somalia. Again Somalia was a small country which had experienced a total break down in civil society. The collapse of order led to large numbers of rural people moving to the capital and a fall in food production. In place of civil authority the country became ruled by armed gangs. Both the United Nations and the United States became obsessed with one gang leader and spent most of their efforts trying to capture him. Alternative strategies might have involved the provision of food aid in country areas to move people out of the city as a means of increasing rural productivity. In addition attempts to disarm the groups one would have thought productive. Instead the UN and American troops fell into a confrontation with some gangs in the capital and suffered casualties which in the view of the US were not sustainable. This led to a pull out.
The book is interesting. It does not really propose a solution but it raises a huge number of issues. One interesting point made by the author is that it cost the Sierra Leone government $36m to hire a mercenary outfit Executive Solutions to deal with its rebellion. (The rebels involved were brutal and routinely amputated the limbs of village people for no good reason). The cost of hiring these mercenaries was cheaper than the cost of a UN force ($46m for the same period). As a number of the UN members do seem to have a stomach for the work one wonders if this may not be the future of peace keeping.
- Reviewed in the United States on June 14, 2000For most of the last decade, it seems to me, the world has been busy taking in the implications of the post Cold War environment. Out of this gestation there has recently arrived a flood of books. Geoffrey Robertson's "Crimes Against Humanity" details the development of the legal arguments for humanitarian intervention; Susan Moeller's "Compassion Fatigue" explains its political limits in terms of domestic apathy (blaming, rather too heavily I think, the media); Michael Ignatieff has written compellingly on humanitarian intervention from the perspective of a muscular-minded moral philosopher.. but Shawcross - more than anyone in my view - "tells it like it is."
Shawcross says his is a story of hope. It is hard to see how. With commendable clarity he charts the history of humanitarian-inspired interventions, focussing on the post Cold War world, when the end of superpower rivalries seemed briefly to make all things possible.
Encouraged by the apparent (though only partial) success of UNTAC in Cambodia, the "international community" (please God, let us find another phrase!) rushed naively and disastrously into Somalia (for more on this I recommend Scott Peterson's lively new memoir "Me Against My Brother"). The world powers then turned to water when confronted by the terrible challenge of Rwandan genocide. Shawcross writes powerfully of this, as Gourevitch among others have done. He also writes with chilling force of the events leading to the fall of Srebrenica, and the global pusillanimity that allowed Foday Sankoh his free and terrible reign in Sierra Leone.
As the century turns there are slim victories for those who believe the "good guys" of the outside world can bring peace to the blighted. The Australian-led INTERFET force in East Timor secured a shattered territory to give some hope of genuine transition to peaceful democracy. Mozambique, too, has been a quiet success story, making the recent devastating floods all the more tragic.
But the lessons of Shawcross's dispassionate analysis are those that the political powers least want to hear. If the US, France and other Western powers want to live up to the fine sound of their humanitarian rhetoric, they must stop playing their policies to their domestic audiences. If they want to approve impressive-sounding mandates, they must be willing to back them with men and material. They must be willing to risk the lives of their soldiers. They must look upon their cowardice in Srebrenica and Rwanda with shame (and I don't speak of the individual Dutch and Belgian soldiers who, respectively, were there). They must be more ready to see in Kofi Annan perhaps the last best hope the UN has.
If they are not willing to do those things, Shawcross makes clear, they might as well admit that humanitarian intervention is an emperor without clothes, and that the worst suffering in the world is irremediable.
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iP4Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 20, 20154.0 out of 5 stars Four Stars
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