In Paul Collier’s book The Bottom Billion Collier, lays out a very easy to understand argument for why the poorest countries are poor. Collier states that there are a multiplicity of different variables that help explain why some countries are less developed and why other countries are not. Collier refers to many countries as falling into “four traps” of poverty. Collier then offers solutions on how to get out of these traps. Collier’s goal was to write a readable book for anyone that is interested in development and I think that he was s successful in doing that. Where he falls short is in his solutions. He wrote a book that largely follows the “Washington consensus” line of economic thinking and development. The Washington Consensus is what is known as Neoliberalism. Collier doesn’t necessarily advocate free trade but he is more precise in saying that it needs to be the right kind of trade. Ultimately his major point is that aid will not help the bottom billion. He champions aid but wants that aid to be focused on private capital as too encourage manufacturing growth. The major problems in his book lie in how he measures poverty and growth and the way he omits any concepts of sustainability.
Collier starts out by stating his argument stating the differences between the developed countries and the under developed countries. The under developed countries are ravaged with disease, hunger, and war. These countries have coexisted with the developed countries. There are 5 billion people that are prospering or on the track to prosperity but there are still a billion people that are decreasing in prosperity or stagnant. Collier states that the countries that are underdeveloped are mainly in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Asia and despite the “Golden Age” of prosperity between 1990 and 9/11, incomes among the bottom billion declined by 5 percent. Coiler states that poverty is not intrinsically a trap but rather something that is characteristic of all developing countries and that many countries pulled themselves out of poverty.
Collier’s focus is on these countries that have fallen prey to what he refers to as the four developmental traps that keep countries in poverty. Some countries experience one trap at a time and some countries experience multiple traps at the same time. These developmental traps are the conflict trap, the natural resources trap, the trap of being landlocked with bad neighbors, and the trap of bad governance.
The conflict trap is seen with countries that are worn torn and make up over 70 percent of the bottom billion countries. These countries have high poverty rates and due to these poverty rates there are many young men out of work that can be easily swayed to join armies. Slow growth, stagnation, and decline make a country more prone to civil war. Collier also states that because a country is going through economic hardship does not mean it will have a civil war. He does state the prospects of war can be perceived as unstable and investors and potential investor might flee which puts the country in worse economic position. Another propensity toward civil war is when a country is dependent primarily on commodity exports like oil, diamonds, or other natural resources. Sometimes these export commodities help fund rebel groups and give incentives for rebellions or civil wars.
The natural resources trap is sometimes can lift countries out of poverty but Collier contents that it is a rarity. A surplus in natural resources often exacerbates poverty and can often add to a conflict trap. With a surplus of natural resources a country can afford to dismiss other economic problems in the country. Collier refers to these situations as the society being “rentiers” and he cites Saudi Arabia and Kuwait as the exception to the natural resources trap most likely because they have a large amount of natural resources. Most countries don’t get to be so lucky when it comes to a resource-rich country. Collier refers to the other countries in a state of resource-rich poverty. These countries have many problems with corruption due to the excess of revenue coming in from the natural resources. The democratic model is hard-pressed to survive and authoritarian regimes prove far more prosperous. The basic foundation for democracy to survive is not upheld. The erosion of the checks and balances to ensure fair electoral campaigns are subject to risk and failure. Ultimately the government becomes corrupt and an autocratic regime controls the polity of the country in favor of profits.
The trap of being landlocked with bad neighbors is a geographical problem that is not the fault of the country but nevertheless can attribute to high levels of poverty in a country. Collier cites countries that are landlocked are not necessarily going to have the attributes of poverty or slow growth but he does state that 38 percent of the bottom billion countries are landlocked. Another issue that contributes to this trap is the neighbors or the surrounding countries. Cities that are landlocked have higher costs of transfer rates. This is due to the surrounding countries spending more on transport infrastructure. Collier also states that neighboring countries are not just accesses to markets they are the landlocked countries markets. To prove this Collier gives a contrast between Switzerland and Uganda. Switzerland’s neighbors are France, Italy, and Germany and Uganda’s neighbors are Sudan, Rwanda, and Somalia. Switzerland’s neighbors are democratic countries while Uganda’s neighbors are countries that have been marred with violence, civil war, genocide, and poverty. Collier concludes that the prosperity of one nation relies on the prosperity of their neighbors.
The last trap Collier mentions is simply bad governance in a small country. Governance is a very important factor in regard to an effective economy. Collier states that the people in power are sometimes the supper-rich and they stand to gain from having an extremely poor country. There are many problems of people wanting reform but lack the ability and knowledge to properly affect change. This is where Collier starts using the term “failing states.” He mentions there is a criterion for what he considers a failed state that is a result of bad policies. Among what he considers failed states are Angola, the Central African Republic, Haiti, Liberia, Sudan, the Solomon Is- lands, Somalia, and Zimbabwe. Collier goes into the concepts of failing states and uses the term turnaround to explain reformers that can achieve a possible reformed state. Usually these turnarounds are rare because reformers are usually repressed, killed, or imprisoned very quickly. Collier’s findings for a turnaround are very slim and don’t show promise due to the swift repression.
Collier now switches from what he perceives as the traps that countries can fall into to what can be done about it. Collier argues that globalization is the reason why some countries are rising out of poverty but leaving the bottom billion stagnant or slowly rising. He states that trade and aid will not be enough for these countries to escape the traps they are in. Collier does states that the aid that is going to the bottom billion countries is to public capital and not private capital. The public capital can supply many of these countries with infrastructure but it cannot offer equipment that workers would need in order to be productive that private investors can offer. Because there is the lack of private capital there is a lack of equipment for a effective labor force to be productive which leads to low wages. He cites capital flight and migration as major reasons for the bottom billion’s reasons for poverty as well.
Collier offers many solutions for countries to get out of the traps they are in. He mainly states that these countries have to be rescued from within, meaning they must do it themselves. He states that no longer should people be injecting money into these countries and hope for a positive result. Collier states that foreign aid is not very helpful. The aid given does speed up growth and is helpful but in the long run will give, what Collier calls, diminishing returns. Collier states that aid in the conflict trap can worsen the situation and the aide can be a “payoff to power.” To help with the natural resource trap aid does nothing because the country already has money and is rendered impotent. For the landlocked trap aid would have to be consistent for a long period of time in a welfare state scenario to be useful. Involving aid and the trap of bad governance is where Collier finds aid somewhat useful. He states there are three different potentialities for possible turnarounds and they are incentive, skills, and reinforcement. Collier does not discount aide all together but he does emphasis that it alone will not solve the issues in the bottom billion countries. He suggests that there should be complementary actions alongside aid.
Another recommendation Collier has for helping the bottom billion is military intervention. Collier states that military intervention has an important role in helping the bottom billion states. Military intervention can help restore order, maintain postconflict peace, and help prevent coups. In the case of restoring order Collier cites Kuwait and the need to maintain a collapsed state. The same thing was tried in Somalia and the military pulled out too soon and there were mass killings. Collier cites Sierra Leon as an example of a peacekeeping mission by the British military and he also cites Rwanda as an example of what happens when there is a failure to maintain peace through military intervention. As for preventing coups Collier expresses that with a strong external military presence coups could be eliminated.
There are many issues with Collier’s book and the rest of the paper will be dedicated to the critiques of the book. The first critique of the book has to do with the mechanics of the book. He does not cite much of the information he uses and talks very broadly about people stating certain arguments and statements. Collier states he did this for readability but it would not make the book complex to cite some of the information he uses.
A second critique of Collier is that he doesn’t mention education as an important aspect for getting the lower income countries out of poverty. He states that the educated people tend to immigrate out of the countries. Lester Brown diverges with Collier’s thinking and states that education is one of the key components of getting people out of poverty. Brown states that closing the gap between the rich and the poor is by educating everyone. Brown states that most people in poverty live in inherited poverty and that this cycle can be broken by having a mass scale of literacy programs that are partly funded by the lower developed countries themselves as well as aide from western countries. By Collier citing growth as a form of prosperity he is leaving out key components like sustainability. Ultimately Collier is not accounting for sustainability and he is focusing on short-term goals rather than the long-term goals for a sustainable environment.
A third critique of Collier is his explanation of what traps are and how they can keep certain countries in poverty, but there are fundamental faults with how he measure growth and how he measures poverty. The way Collier measures growth and poverty is based on the measurement of Gross Domestic Product. GDP is used to measure economic growth and entire economic output. The general consensus with the measurement of GDP is that the more it grows the better a country is doing. Many contest using GDP as a measurement for growth because it leaves out many different variables that are not accounted for. So many countries could be considered prosperous but would be considered less developed. The argument against GDP is that to measure a sustainable economy and a sustainable society the measurements used need to account for more than just economic prosperity. A different type of measurement system referred to as the Human Development Index would include GDP as well as many other indicators including human well-being. Collier claims that countries cannot grow by being turned into Cuba. Collier claims Cuba is a low-income, stagnant country. The problem with this statement is that if you judge Cuba by GDP, then yes it is low-income, stagnant country. However if Cuba is rated on the Human Development Index they are ranked 44 and in comparison to the United States who’s ranked 5 then Cuba is relatively developed. Cuba is a fairly well developed country by the standards of the HDI and not GDP.
The final critique of Collier is that he claims that the neoliberal policies have helped strengthen many of these countries. He refers the neoliberal policies as the “golden age.” Collier claims that the free trade is not the answer for helping these bottom countries but then he argues that lowering production subsidies in poor countries would push those countries to look for different avenues for agricultural needs. He is essentially say that the poor countries are too constrained by government subsidies so less money should be given to the countries as an incentive or to increase competition. The problem is with this theory is that he wants to do this in poverty stricken areas in a world with mass food shortage. Many factors contribute to the food shortage but the biggest contributor of food shortage is the mass amounts of grain that was previously used for export and now is used for ethanol production. Collier wants to effectively cut subsidies to these countries while at the same time curbing grain exports to these countries. Collier also calls for deregulation of the airlines for landlocked countries so they can have ultimately a freer system of trade.
Collier’s book is a good example of a neoliberal framework that encourages that countries giving aid to under developed countries are participating is the acts of a “headless heart.” Really what Collier’s solutions are neoliberal solutions that oppose aid expansion in favor of increased military spending and intervention. Collier’s solutions are basis for even measuring the bottom billion’s growth and poverty is based off of GDP and he leaves no room for possible implications of sustainability on a global scale.
Buy new:
$15.71$15.71
Arrives:
Tuesday, Oct 24
Ships from: Amazon.com Sold by: Amazon.com
Buy new:
$15.71$15.71
Arrives:
Tuesday, Oct 24
Ships from: Amazon.com
Sold by: Amazon.com
Buy used: $7.62
Buy used:
$7.62
Have one to sell?
See Clubs
Loading your book clubs
There was a problem loading your book clubs. Please try again.
Not in a club? Learn more
Join or create book clubs
Choose books together
Track your books
Bring your club to Amazon Book Clubs, start a new book club and invite your friends to join, or find a club that’s right for you for free.
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What Can Be Done About It 1st Edition
by
Paul Collier
(Author)
| Price | New from | Used from |
|
Audible Audiobook, Unabridged
"Please retry" |
$5.95
| $7.95 with discounted Audible membership | |
{"desktop_buybox_group_1":[{"displayPrice":"$15.71","priceAmount":15.71,"currencySymbol":"$","integerValue":"15","decimalSeparator":".","fractionalValue":"71","symbolPosition":"left","hasSpace":false,"showFractionalPartIfEmpty":true,"offerListingId":"eBEKPw2Yv70HJI8ewy6xOPTxE%2By92aiW0ULnd17UEWYoOxpIszhUtcfy1J165xZB6edE4W4L7ztotFgxkQTMPPqtz%2BU4hsOJAwv5tRfY9T3wkdRxWFgZJE%2FWkXZuRpSQ3jTm1JZowAo%3D","locale":"en-US","buyingOptionType":"NEW","aapiBuyingOptionIndex":0}, {"displayPrice":"$7.62","priceAmount":7.62,"currencySymbol":"$","integerValue":"7","decimalSeparator":".","fractionalValue":"62","symbolPosition":"left","hasSpace":false,"showFractionalPartIfEmpty":true,"offerListingId":"eBEKPw2Yv70HJI8ewy6xOPTxE%2By92aiW%2FY6FpMwNsDnG6%2FhOmoHXNH7RDiEihu7KlHI5GiblwNniKTMP5MPU7BKb2%2BF%2B65dfSac5c7iG50AauPpNl3f%2B5McH0ApsjD%2BpspH7WSsulWsqRBJgYnf%2BW6TjNmcUAfDvs3tjq%2BdapqP468Ng%2FzYTew%3D%3D","locale":"en-US","buyingOptionType":"USED","aapiBuyingOptionIndex":1}]}
Purchase options and add-ons
In the universally acclaimed and award-winning The Bottom Billion, Paul Collier reveals that fifty failed states--home to the poorest one billion people on Earth--pose the central challenge of the developing world in the twenty-first century. The book shines much-needed light on this group of small nations, largely unnoticed by the industrialized West, that are dropping further and further behind the majority of the world's people, often falling into an absolute decline in living standards. A struggle rages within each of these nations between reformers and corrupt leaders--and the corrupt are winning. Collier analyzes the causes of failure, pointing to a set of traps that ensnare these countries, including civil war, a dependence on the extraction and export of natural resources, and bad governance. Standard solutions do not work, he writes; aid is often ineffective, and globalization can actually make matters worse, driving development to more stable nations. What the bottom
billion need, Collier argues, is a bold new plan supported by the Group of Eight industrialized nations. If failed states are ever to be helped, the G8 will have to adopt preferential trade policies, new laws against corruption, new international charters, and even conduct carefully calibrated military interventions. Collier has spent a lifetime working to end global poverty. In The Bottom Billion, he offers real hope for solving one of the great humanitarian crises facing the world today.
"Set to become a classic. Crammed with statistical nuggets and common sense, his book should be compulsory reading."
--The Economist
"If Sachs seems too saintly and Easterly too cynical, then Collier is the authentic old Africa hand: he knows the terrain and has a keen ear.... If you've ever found yourself on one side or the other of those arguments--and who hasn't?--then you simply must read this book."
--Niall Ferguson, The New York Times Book Review
"Rich in both analysis and recommendations.... Read this book. You will learn much you do not know. It will also change the way you look at the tragedy of persistent poverty in a world of plenty."
--Financial Times
billion need, Collier argues, is a bold new plan supported by the Group of Eight industrialized nations. If failed states are ever to be helped, the G8 will have to adopt preferential trade policies, new laws against corruption, new international charters, and even conduct carefully calibrated military interventions. Collier has spent a lifetime working to end global poverty. In The Bottom Billion, he offers real hope for solving one of the great humanitarian crises facing the world today.
"Set to become a classic. Crammed with statistical nuggets and common sense, his book should be compulsory reading."
--The Economist
"If Sachs seems too saintly and Easterly too cynical, then Collier is the authentic old Africa hand: he knows the terrain and has a keen ear.... If you've ever found yourself on one side or the other of those arguments--and who hasn't?--then you simply must read this book."
--Niall Ferguson, The New York Times Book Review
"Rich in both analysis and recommendations.... Read this book. You will learn much you do not know. It will also change the way you look at the tragedy of persistent poverty in a world of plenty."
--Financial Times
- ISBN-100195373383
- ISBN-13978-0195373387
- Edition1st
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateAugust 22, 2008
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions8.32 x 0.58 x 5.56 inches
- Print length224 pages
Frequently bought together

This item: The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries are Failing and What Can Be Done About It
$15.71$15.71
In Stock
$11.99$11.99
In Stock
$16.19$16.19
In Stock
Total price:
To see our price, add these items to your cart.
Try again!
Added to Cart
Choose items to buy together.
Customers who viewed this item also viewed
Page 1 of 1 Start overPage 1 of 1
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyDaron AcemogluPaperback$10.83 shipping
The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our TimePaperback$10.68 shippingGet it as soon as Tuesday, Oct 24Only 1 left in stock - order soon.
The Elusive Quest for Growth: Economists' Adventures and Misadventures in the TropicsWilliam R. EasterlyPaperback$11.20 shippingGet it as soon as Tuesday, Oct 24Only 1 left in stock - order soon.
Customer reviews
4.5 out of 5 stars
4.5 out of 5
665 global ratings
How customer reviews and ratings work
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
Reviewed in the United States on May 21, 2015
Reviewed in the United States on July 19, 2007
Developing countries are quite unlike Tolstoi's characterization of happy and unhappy families. Each happy country looks different from the other, and there are vast differences between China, India, Brazil, and other developing success stories, but there is a similarity between unhappy countries--countries that are not only failing to develop, but also going downward and falling apart. Together, these countries have a combined population of about one billion people, and what happen to this bottom billion has important consequences for the whole world.
Paul Collier pioneered the burgeoning research on the economic causes of conflicts, and his work on civil wars has proved quite controversial among political science experts. Those experts tend to interpret civil wars in terms of heroic struggles motivated by grievances or ethnic strifes reflecting deeply-rooted hatreds. The author's research shows that rebel groups are usually doing well out of war, and that greed often trumps grievance as the underlying cause of conflict. He proves this by statistical analysis, showing for instance that there is basically no relationship between political repression and the risk of civil war, or between ethnic fragmentation and conflict (although ethnic polarization does play a part).
Conflict is not the only trap. The author also goes through the natural resource trap, the trap of being landlocked with bad neighbors, and the trap of bad governance in a small country. Those traps often reinforce each other, and their combined effects condemn the bottom countries to the slow lane. In each case, Paul Collier not only successfully reviews the existing literature, but also offers original insights drawn from his own research. For instance, he demonstrates that far from being immune from the resource curse, democracies may create additional risks by inducing a phenomenon of "survival of the fattest". He is, to my knowledge, the first expert to point out that diversification of resource providers away from the Middle East in the name of energy security may actually increase the risk of disruption on world markets by creating new zones of instability: "Shifting our source of supply simply will not work as a security measure if the resource curse shifts with it."
This research has direct policy relevance. By putting a price tag on the cost of a typical civil war (about 64 billion) or the gain of a sustained turnaround placing a formerly failed state on a secure path (about 100 billion), the author allows decision-makers to base their decisions on cost-benefit analysis. He shows that some interventions have a very large pay-off: the British Operation Palliser in Sierra Leone was a huge success, worth perhaps thirty times its cost. The protection offered by the French against military coups in Africa, now tempered by a hesitation to intervene, was perhaps also worthwhile. The European Union's new rapid reaction force may play a similar role in the future by offering a guarantee to democratic governments conditional upon internationally certified free and fair elections. "Making coups history" is certainly more controversial than the global rally against poverty, but may in the end contribute more to the plight of the bottom billion than the doubling of aid flows.
Indeed, the author shows that aid offers only part of the solution, and the way it is currently managed makes it in certain cases part of the problem. Rich countries and development agencies need to narrow the target by focusing more on the bottom billion, while at the same time broadening the instruments in order to consider policy tools other than aid. This process also characterizes the author's own research, which increases the focus of economic analysis by using cutting-edge statistical tools, while broadening the scope of relevant issues, in order to inform the decisions of policy makers. To give an example, people often wonder how much of Africa's wealth has fled the continent, or how much aid leaks into military spending. Paul Collier not only addresses these issues, he answers them by giving numerical estimates (respectively 38% and 11%).
The book also contributes to the broader debate on globalization. The author has little tolerance for the protest crowds of anti-globalizers who besiege international financial institutions and G8 summits. He calls them by their name: they are anti-capitalists, and they have little interest in helping poor countries benefit from the system that they are fighting against. He also challenge people who care about global poverty but are driven by slogans, images, and anger, instead of rational analysis. But he is no rosy optimist either, and he offers a sobering view on global economic integration. Although globalization has worked wonders to lift a vast portion of humanity out of poverty, it is now making things harder for latecomers, who now face formidable competitors in China or in India. In his own words: "When Mauritius escaped the traps in the 1980s it rocketed to middle-income levels; when neighboring Madagascar finally escaped the traps two decades later, there was no rocket."
The Bottom Billion therefore opens horizons across political divides. To quote from the introduction: "The left will find that approaches it has discounted, such as military interventions, trade, and encouraging growth, are critical means to the end it has long embraced. The right will find that, unlike the challenge of global poverty reduction, the problem of the bottom billion will not be fixed automatically by global growth, and that neglect now will become a security nightmare for the world of our children."
Paul Collier pioneered the burgeoning research on the economic causes of conflicts, and his work on civil wars has proved quite controversial among political science experts. Those experts tend to interpret civil wars in terms of heroic struggles motivated by grievances or ethnic strifes reflecting deeply-rooted hatreds. The author's research shows that rebel groups are usually doing well out of war, and that greed often trumps grievance as the underlying cause of conflict. He proves this by statistical analysis, showing for instance that there is basically no relationship between political repression and the risk of civil war, or between ethnic fragmentation and conflict (although ethnic polarization does play a part).
Conflict is not the only trap. The author also goes through the natural resource trap, the trap of being landlocked with bad neighbors, and the trap of bad governance in a small country. Those traps often reinforce each other, and their combined effects condemn the bottom countries to the slow lane. In each case, Paul Collier not only successfully reviews the existing literature, but also offers original insights drawn from his own research. For instance, he demonstrates that far from being immune from the resource curse, democracies may create additional risks by inducing a phenomenon of "survival of the fattest". He is, to my knowledge, the first expert to point out that diversification of resource providers away from the Middle East in the name of energy security may actually increase the risk of disruption on world markets by creating new zones of instability: "Shifting our source of supply simply will not work as a security measure if the resource curse shifts with it."
This research has direct policy relevance. By putting a price tag on the cost of a typical civil war (about 64 billion) or the gain of a sustained turnaround placing a formerly failed state on a secure path (about 100 billion), the author allows decision-makers to base their decisions on cost-benefit analysis. He shows that some interventions have a very large pay-off: the British Operation Palliser in Sierra Leone was a huge success, worth perhaps thirty times its cost. The protection offered by the French against military coups in Africa, now tempered by a hesitation to intervene, was perhaps also worthwhile. The European Union's new rapid reaction force may play a similar role in the future by offering a guarantee to democratic governments conditional upon internationally certified free and fair elections. "Making coups history" is certainly more controversial than the global rally against poverty, but may in the end contribute more to the plight of the bottom billion than the doubling of aid flows.
Indeed, the author shows that aid offers only part of the solution, and the way it is currently managed makes it in certain cases part of the problem. Rich countries and development agencies need to narrow the target by focusing more on the bottom billion, while at the same time broadening the instruments in order to consider policy tools other than aid. This process also characterizes the author's own research, which increases the focus of economic analysis by using cutting-edge statistical tools, while broadening the scope of relevant issues, in order to inform the decisions of policy makers. To give an example, people often wonder how much of Africa's wealth has fled the continent, or how much aid leaks into military spending. Paul Collier not only addresses these issues, he answers them by giving numerical estimates (respectively 38% and 11%).
The book also contributes to the broader debate on globalization. The author has little tolerance for the protest crowds of anti-globalizers who besiege international financial institutions and G8 summits. He calls them by their name: they are anti-capitalists, and they have little interest in helping poor countries benefit from the system that they are fighting against. He also challenge people who care about global poverty but are driven by slogans, images, and anger, instead of rational analysis. But he is no rosy optimist either, and he offers a sobering view on global economic integration. Although globalization has worked wonders to lift a vast portion of humanity out of poverty, it is now making things harder for latecomers, who now face formidable competitors in China or in India. In his own words: "When Mauritius escaped the traps in the 1980s it rocketed to middle-income levels; when neighboring Madagascar finally escaped the traps two decades later, there was no rocket."
The Bottom Billion therefore opens horizons across political divides. To quote from the introduction: "The left will find that approaches it has discounted, such as military interventions, trade, and encouraging growth, are critical means to the end it has long embraced. The right will find that, unlike the challenge of global poverty reduction, the problem of the bottom billion will not be fixed automatically by global growth, and that neglect now will become a security nightmare for the world of our children."
Top reviews from other countries
Dirk Hebecker
5.0 out of 5 stars
Good
Reviewed in Japan on May 11, 2023
Essence of poverty
Erik Cleves Kristensen
5.0 out of 5 stars
Must read for anyone interested in poverty reduction
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 30, 2008
In my work over the last few years, struggling with the issues of development and poverty reduction, and I read a lot of books on the issues. Recently, I read one of the best books in the form of Paul Collier's The Bottom Billion.
Just as Mr. Collier says at the end of his book, discussions on poverty and development have over the last few years been dominated by two extremes: On the one extreme Mr. Jeffrey Sachs call for more aid to "end poverty", and on the other side, William Easterly's negativity that nothing really works (in the books The End of Poverty and The White Man's Burden, respectively).
Mr. Collier strikes a marvelous and necessary balance between these two. On one side, he says about Mr. Sachs:
"At present the clarion call for the left is Jeffrey Sach's book the end of poverty. Much as I agree with Sachs' passionate call to action, I think that he has overplayed the importance of aid. Aid alone will not solve the problems of the bottom billion - we need to use a wider range of policies."
Mr. Sachs is an advocate of more money will solve the problems, but as Mr. Collier puts well in the book, many of the problems related to poverty are structural, from lack of investement, infrastructure, education, conflict, to being landlocked. Some of these problems are not solved just with more money. Unfortunately, this is a tendency in development aid nowadays, perhaps as aid agencies and staff need to justify their existence, even increase it: the need of more money, much of it in the form of budgetary support, which goes directly to a poor country's budget, in ever bigger amounts. But the link to poverty reduction is awkward to say the least: as pointed out in both Easterly's and Collier's book, higher dependence on foreign aid hardly leads to poverty reduction.
How much did I see this in Mozambique: had any of the subsistence farmers I worked with ever benefitted from the Agricultural SWAp...?
Nevertheless, while one cannot argue that aid will help everything, one can not jump into the other side of "Nothing helps" like the old disillusioned Mr. Easterly does (in my personal view Mr. Easterly is the kind of person who would have let slavery continue, not because he agreed with it, but because "we cannot do anything about it"):
"At present the clarion call for the right is economist William Easterly's book The White Man's Burden. Easterly is right to mock the delusions of the aid lobby. But just as Sachs exaggerates the payoff to aid, Easterly exaggerates the downside and again neglects the scope for other policies. We are not as impotent and ignorant as Easterly seems to think."
As Collier amply argues for, there are many situations and examples that aid has helped and alleviated poverty. But as Mr. Collier also amply discusses and argues for, the aid money needs to be allocated in a well-planned way, and not ignoring the context: aid alone is unlikely to help.
I must admit that at first I found the book to start really slowly: Mr. Collier took time to explain his framework for analysis, ennumerating four "traps" which developing countries, or rather, the "bottom billion", the poorest of the poorest caught in a vicious circle of misery of landlockedness, resource trap, conflict and bad governance. These four traps are inter-related and Mr. Collier carefully presents his huge array of statistics to present his argument.
This part was a somewhat tedious read, but after passing this part, the book moves into more interesting areas, namely what can be done about it, the huge dilemmas and difficulties surrounding these issues.
Nevertheless, on a more critical view, the book's argument is built too much on statistics. It makes it powerful, but at the same time one can feel that the argumentation, like with all statistics, is political and absolutist: in social sciences, there are exceptions to all statistics! At the same time, some of the correlations, like for instance between post-conflict situations and democracy, seem so vague that I would never look at a specific situation with that data, but only focus on the context.
Personally, I like that he says it can be done - too often in the world people say: "there have always been poor people, and there always will be". While I don't deny this is true, I find it appalling that this should be used as an excuse: we have always had murders, rape, wars, but nobody in their right mind would say we should do nothing about it!
I like the book, because we finally have a well-written balance abut development aid, something that has been missing for a while as the issue is discussed more and more.
Just as Mr. Collier says at the end of his book, discussions on poverty and development have over the last few years been dominated by two extremes: On the one extreme Mr. Jeffrey Sachs call for more aid to "end poverty", and on the other side, William Easterly's negativity that nothing really works (in the books The End of Poverty and The White Man's Burden, respectively).
Mr. Collier strikes a marvelous and necessary balance between these two. On one side, he says about Mr. Sachs:
"At present the clarion call for the left is Jeffrey Sach's book the end of poverty. Much as I agree with Sachs' passionate call to action, I think that he has overplayed the importance of aid. Aid alone will not solve the problems of the bottom billion - we need to use a wider range of policies."
Mr. Sachs is an advocate of more money will solve the problems, but as Mr. Collier puts well in the book, many of the problems related to poverty are structural, from lack of investement, infrastructure, education, conflict, to being landlocked. Some of these problems are not solved just with more money. Unfortunately, this is a tendency in development aid nowadays, perhaps as aid agencies and staff need to justify their existence, even increase it: the need of more money, much of it in the form of budgetary support, which goes directly to a poor country's budget, in ever bigger amounts. But the link to poverty reduction is awkward to say the least: as pointed out in both Easterly's and Collier's book, higher dependence on foreign aid hardly leads to poverty reduction.
How much did I see this in Mozambique: had any of the subsistence farmers I worked with ever benefitted from the Agricultural SWAp...?
Nevertheless, while one cannot argue that aid will help everything, one can not jump into the other side of "Nothing helps" like the old disillusioned Mr. Easterly does (in my personal view Mr. Easterly is the kind of person who would have let slavery continue, not because he agreed with it, but because "we cannot do anything about it"):
"At present the clarion call for the right is economist William Easterly's book The White Man's Burden. Easterly is right to mock the delusions of the aid lobby. But just as Sachs exaggerates the payoff to aid, Easterly exaggerates the downside and again neglects the scope for other policies. We are not as impotent and ignorant as Easterly seems to think."
As Collier amply argues for, there are many situations and examples that aid has helped and alleviated poverty. But as Mr. Collier also amply discusses and argues for, the aid money needs to be allocated in a well-planned way, and not ignoring the context: aid alone is unlikely to help.
I must admit that at first I found the book to start really slowly: Mr. Collier took time to explain his framework for analysis, ennumerating four "traps" which developing countries, or rather, the "bottom billion", the poorest of the poorest caught in a vicious circle of misery of landlockedness, resource trap, conflict and bad governance. These four traps are inter-related and Mr. Collier carefully presents his huge array of statistics to present his argument.
This part was a somewhat tedious read, but after passing this part, the book moves into more interesting areas, namely what can be done about it, the huge dilemmas and difficulties surrounding these issues.
Nevertheless, on a more critical view, the book's argument is built too much on statistics. It makes it powerful, but at the same time one can feel that the argumentation, like with all statistics, is political and absolutist: in social sciences, there are exceptions to all statistics! At the same time, some of the correlations, like for instance between post-conflict situations and democracy, seem so vague that I would never look at a specific situation with that data, but only focus on the context.
Personally, I like that he says it can be done - too often in the world people say: "there have always been poor people, and there always will be". While I don't deny this is true, I find it appalling that this should be used as an excuse: we have always had murders, rape, wars, but nobody in their right mind would say we should do nothing about it!
I like the book, because we finally have a well-written balance abut development aid, something that has been missing for a while as the issue is discussed more and more.
4 people found this helpful
Report
J. P. Sykes
5.0 out of 5 stars
Clear, concise, informative and evidence based
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 8, 2015
Working in the mining sector as a geologist and mineral economist, I had previously read Paul Collier’s Plundered Planet looking specifically at resources related economic development, so I was looking forward to reading The Bottom Billion to broaden my understanding of economic development more generally. Prof. (and knight!) Paul Collier is no doubt one of the most qualified people globally to write on this issue, as a professor of economics and public policy at Oxford University with a lifetime of experience looking at development issues in Africa. I listened to this book using the Kindle Audible Narration and was transfixed from the start.
As the sub-title suggests the book effectively explains “Why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it”.
The Bottom Billion presents a very clear framework for understanding and acting upon the problems facing the most severely poor countries. Prof. Collier describes four kinds of poverty trap: conflict, natural resources, landlocked and bad governance. He then discusses four tools which can be used for resolving these issues and importantly the limits of each: aid, military intervention, laws & charters and trade policy, before highlighting in combination the areas of most fruitful action. In particularly he makes a stand for the brave ‘heroes’ of economic development and reform in the developing world and how Western institutions and the electorate (that’s us) need to stand by and support them. I found his framework and arguments very convincing. This is in part due to the concise, lively and personal way he writes. The book is amazingly short for the breadth of material covered. However, it is clear that the book sits atop a tower of research, and thus is in no way lightweight in this respect. In this sense, Prof. Collier is very careful to highlight the sources of his information, and what has and has not been peer reviewed.
One of the things I particularly like about this book is its balanced nature. For example, there is careful, nuanced but persuasive discussion of why globalisation has worked for the developed West, and is working for Asia, and will work for most other developing countries, but that for a few countries (the ‘bottom billion’) it will not work. He tackles this issue and other politically charged issues, such as aid, military intervention and international trade, carefully, and in my opinion in a balanced manner, neither leaning too left, or too right; whilst trying to use data rather than ideology in his arguments. I previously held strong (and perhaps ill informed) views on some of these issues and have found that his arguments have at least begun to change my mind and thinking about them.
The mineral economist in me also found the sections on natural resources very interesting, and it is relieving to see economists moving beyond simple resource curse theory and onto more constructive arguments about how to develop countries with abundant natural resources. He expands on the subject greatly in The Plundered Planet, which would be a fine accompaniment to this book. For readers more generally interested in economic development, reading the Bottom Billion and then the Plundered Planet is probably the most fruitful order, starting broadly and then focusing on the particularly tricky issue of the resource curse. For those in the minerals or petroleum sectors, starting with the Plundered Planet covering these industries, and then taking a broader look at economic development in general via The Bottom Billion, as I have done, would be recommended.
In general, whilst I am still somewhat new to the field of development economics, and I’m sure Prof. Collier is not right on everything, I would be surprised if there were many better starting points for understanding economic development in the poorest countries than this book.
As the sub-title suggests the book effectively explains “Why the poorest countries are failing and what can be done about it”.
The Bottom Billion presents a very clear framework for understanding and acting upon the problems facing the most severely poor countries. Prof. Collier describes four kinds of poverty trap: conflict, natural resources, landlocked and bad governance. He then discusses four tools which can be used for resolving these issues and importantly the limits of each: aid, military intervention, laws & charters and trade policy, before highlighting in combination the areas of most fruitful action. In particularly he makes a stand for the brave ‘heroes’ of economic development and reform in the developing world and how Western institutions and the electorate (that’s us) need to stand by and support them. I found his framework and arguments very convincing. This is in part due to the concise, lively and personal way he writes. The book is amazingly short for the breadth of material covered. However, it is clear that the book sits atop a tower of research, and thus is in no way lightweight in this respect. In this sense, Prof. Collier is very careful to highlight the sources of his information, and what has and has not been peer reviewed.
One of the things I particularly like about this book is its balanced nature. For example, there is careful, nuanced but persuasive discussion of why globalisation has worked for the developed West, and is working for Asia, and will work for most other developing countries, but that for a few countries (the ‘bottom billion’) it will not work. He tackles this issue and other politically charged issues, such as aid, military intervention and international trade, carefully, and in my opinion in a balanced manner, neither leaning too left, or too right; whilst trying to use data rather than ideology in his arguments. I previously held strong (and perhaps ill informed) views on some of these issues and have found that his arguments have at least begun to change my mind and thinking about them.
The mineral economist in me also found the sections on natural resources very interesting, and it is relieving to see economists moving beyond simple resource curse theory and onto more constructive arguments about how to develop countries with abundant natural resources. He expands on the subject greatly in The Plundered Planet, which would be a fine accompaniment to this book. For readers more generally interested in economic development, reading the Bottom Billion and then the Plundered Planet is probably the most fruitful order, starting broadly and then focusing on the particularly tricky issue of the resource curse. For those in the minerals or petroleum sectors, starting with the Plundered Planet covering these industries, and then taking a broader look at economic development in general via The Bottom Billion, as I have done, would be recommended.
In general, whilst I am still somewhat new to the field of development economics, and I’m sure Prof. Collier is not right on everything, I would be surprised if there were many better starting points for understanding economic development in the poorest countries than this book.
6 people found this helpful
Report
Dr T
5.0 out of 5 stars
This book is worth buying, reading and acting on
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on November 24, 2007
This is a first rate book that deserves to be read widely. It is aimed at the intelligent general reader, rather than at the economist or the development wonk. That said, most of them would enjoy reading it too, and would gain a lot from doing so. It is based on many years of top-quality research.
The book sets out the "4 traps" that can and do consign a country to poverty: conflict, natural resources (such as oil and diamonds), being landlocked with bad neighbours, and suffering bad governance. It also sets out the possibilities: looking at how countries like China, India, Vietnam etc have developed remarkably well in recent years. It then goes on to look at the sorts of policies that can be used to get the bottom billion on track to follow the path set out by the emerging economies. Those policies are (as expected) aid and trade, but Collier also sets out a role for transparency and even military intervention. Not to depose bad regimes, but to prevent (and occasionally reverse) coups, in the Sierra Leone model. A friend in the Aid-Biz told me once that that intervention was so successful that the people of SL would happily have voted to make Tony Blair their constitutional monarch. The book also explains the different strengths and weaknesses of each approach in different circumstances.
The prize for getting policies towards the bottom billion correct is immense: it would mean that, within my lifetime malnutrition would be abolished. No child would go to bed hungry. We have seen how fast change can happen - in Japan early this century, in Korea after the war, and, as mentioned, in any number of East and South Asian countries today.
We can do this, and Collier sets out much more convincingly than Sachs, Easterly or most aid agencies, how to do this. As citizens we need to press our leaders to advocate the policies in this book. If we do that, then, together we can make a dramatic difference.
(The author is an economist, teaching economic history at the London School of Economics)
The book sets out the "4 traps" that can and do consign a country to poverty: conflict, natural resources (such as oil and diamonds), being landlocked with bad neighbours, and suffering bad governance. It also sets out the possibilities: looking at how countries like China, India, Vietnam etc have developed remarkably well in recent years. It then goes on to look at the sorts of policies that can be used to get the bottom billion on track to follow the path set out by the emerging economies. Those policies are (as expected) aid and trade, but Collier also sets out a role for transparency and even military intervention. Not to depose bad regimes, but to prevent (and occasionally reverse) coups, in the Sierra Leone model. A friend in the Aid-Biz told me once that that intervention was so successful that the people of SL would happily have voted to make Tony Blair their constitutional monarch. The book also explains the different strengths and weaknesses of each approach in different circumstances.
The prize for getting policies towards the bottom billion correct is immense: it would mean that, within my lifetime malnutrition would be abolished. No child would go to bed hungry. We have seen how fast change can happen - in Japan early this century, in Korea after the war, and, as mentioned, in any number of East and South Asian countries today.
We can do this, and Collier sets out much more convincingly than Sachs, Easterly or most aid agencies, how to do this. As citizens we need to press our leaders to advocate the policies in this book. If we do that, then, together we can make a dramatic difference.
(The author is an economist, teaching economic history at the London School of Economics)
20 people found this helpful
Report
MYasin
5.0 out of 5 stars
One of the best books I've read
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 16, 2019
This book should be essential reading for anyone studying African development. I read th whole thing is about 3 sitting. It provides an explanation as to why the countries that hits the bottom billion to the world poor are not their state and what they can do about it. The book draws on so much expertise and experience. It a really convincing read. The point that could be challenged now in 2019 has been raise by Andy Summers of kings college who argues that the, nunerically speaking, most of the world's poor now live in what could be called middle-income countries ( India, China, Pakistan, Nigeria, South Africa) so the problems with their property is not necessarily being in one of collier's traps, but not prioritizung poverty reduction or developing proper strategies to distribute their income to reduce poverty. Why should India, which has the largest proportion of the poor people, have a space programme?
Collier's book is excellent read.
Collier's book is excellent read.





