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A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford Nuclear Age Series) New edition
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In the United States the Cold War shaped our political culture, our institutions, and our national priorities. Abroad, it influenced the destinies of people everywhere. It divided Europe, split Germany, and engulfed the Third World. It led to a feverish arms race and massive sales of military equipment to poor nations. For at least four decades it left the world in a chronic state of tension where a miscalculation could trigger nuclear holocaust.
Documents, oral histories, and memoirs illuminating the goals, motives, and fears of contemporary U.S. officials were already widely circulated and studied during the Cold War, but in the 1970s a massive declassification of documents from the Army, Navy, Air Force, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Department of Defense, and some intelligence agencies reinvigorated historical study of this war which became the definitive conflict of its time. While many historians used these records to explore specialized topics, this author marshals the considerable available evidence on behalf of an overall analysis of national security policy during the Truman years. To date, it is the most comprehensive history of that administration's progressive embroilment in the Cold War.
- ISBN-100804722188
- ISBN-13978-0804722186
- EditionNew edition
- PublisherStanford University Press
- Publication dateJuly 1, 1993
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.75 x 9.5 inches
- Print length712 pages
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At the end of WW2 the US had the strongest economy in the world. It had the world's largest air force with strategic bombers. It also had a large stock of nuclear weapons. The US also had a number of bases which potentially allowed it to attack the Soviet Union with nuclear weapons if war broke out. The US also had the power to win a war of attrition. They could not only out produce the Soviets but they had the ability to destroy vital sectors of their economy such as oil production.
The major threat faced by the US was not a military threat but rather the potential of major European States going communist by either internal revolution or by the election of fellow traveler governments.(As happened in Czechoslovakia) Immediately after the war the European Economy was in chaos. There were food shortages and the effect of the war was to destroy infrastructure and industry. The first move the Americans was to intervene in Europe to rebuild the economy. With a buoyant growing economy the risk of Europe going communist was reduced. The US also intervened to support anti-communist parties in places such as Italy. The US also moved re-arm West Germany and Japan as potential allies.
The response of the Soviets appears to be one of caution. It appears that the Soviet leadership did not want war and their assessment was that they would lose any hot war. On the other hand they did react to the US strategy of containment. They armed the East European satellites to bolster their conventional military forces. The book is at pains to point out that the Soviets were not unthinkingly aggressive. They allowed Finland and Austria to be independent. They withdrew their forces from Norway and Iran. They also did not push the Berlin blockade after the Americans responded with the air-lift.
The book is also somewhat critical of US policy to the third world. These criticisms have been made before. They are that the US tended to confuse nationalist and anti imperial movements with communist infiltration. The reality was that after the war the Soviets and the Chinese were two weak to be able to project their power through Asia effectively. The US ended up supporting a large number of corrupt and dictatorial regimes in the name of anti-communism.
Previous histories of the cold war have been largely chronological with large amounts of value judgments incorporated into the narrative. Early histories of the cold war saw the US as defending the world against the potential expansion of a communist system based on totalitarianism. Some revisionist histories saw US actions as precipitating the conflict as the provoked the Soviets.
This book is good as it is not laden with the moral message. The book of course agrees that the US actions in re-starting the European economy were hugely beneficial. It is also clear that containing the communist system was a reasonable goal. However it has no central moral message it is simply the account of the power balance and how that balance led to the US policy of the time and the Soviet response.
Marvin Leffler does an outstanding job explaining the origin of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) one the most successful alliances that have endured while other have formed and dissolved. In A Preponderance of Power you will understand how the Marshall Plan or as some know it, The European Recovery Plan, rescued Europe from the twin specters of starvation and Communism. In the book you will learn about key players such as George C. Marshall, a five-star Army general who became the Secretary of State in some of the most critical days of the Cold War and Secretary of Defense in the Korean War. There is also Dean Rusk, a former Rhodes Scholar who possessed a substantial interest in the interlocking nature of political-military affairs.
Yes, this book is a monumental achievement. I intend to purchase Leffler's latest book, For the Soul of Mankind, The Soviet Union, the United States and the Cold War
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"A Preponderance of Power" provides many crucial insights that I have not yet been able to find in other volumes on the same topic. It is written with a completely non biased, facts based honesty that is worthy of congratulations. The author is to be commended for this spectacular level of research, making clear ambiguous often contradictory trends in global power politics and military expenditure. This is the standard source of information concerning cold war origins, it is a premium source of information and definitely worthwhile reading.





