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Churchill: Walking with Destiny

Churchill: Walking with Destiny

byAndrew Roberts
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John Walker
5.0 out of 5 starsMagnificent Single-Volume Biography of Churchill
Reviewed in the United States on July 19, 2019
At the point that Andrew Roberts sat down to write a new biography of Winston Churchill, there were a total of 1009 biographies of the man in print, examining every aspect of his life from a multitude of viewpoints. Works include the encyclopedic three-volume The Last Lion by William Manchester and Paul Reid, and Roy Jenkins' single-volume Churchill: A Biography, which concentrates on Churchill's political career. Such books may seem to many readers to say just about everything about Churchill there is to be said from the abundant documentation available for his life. What could a new biography possibly add to the story?

As the author demonstrates in this magnificent and weighty book (1152 pages, 982 of main text), a great deal. Earlier Churchill biographers laboured under the constraint that many of Churchill's papers from World War II and the postwar era remained under the seal of official secrecy. These included the extensive notes taken by King George VI during his weekly meetings with the Prime Minister during the war and recorded in his personal diary. The classified documents were made public only fifty years after the end of the war, and the King's wartime diaries were made available to the author by special permission granted by the King's daughter, Queen Elizabeth II.

The royal diaries are an invaluable source on Churchill's candid thinking as the war progressed. As a firm believer in constitutional monarchy, Churchill withheld nothing in his discussions with the King. Even the deepest secrets, such as the breaking of the German codes, the information obtained from decrypted messages, and atomic secrets, which were shared with only a few of the most senior and trusted government officials, were discussed in detail with the King. Further, while Churchill was constantly on stage trying to hold the Grand Alliance together, encourage Britons to stay in the fight, and advance his geopolitical goals which were often at variance with even the Americans, with the King he was brutally honest about Britain's situation and what he was trying to accomplish. Oddly, perhaps the best insight into Churchill's mind as the war progressed comes not from his own six-volume history of the war, but rather the pen of the King, writing only to himself. In addition, sources such as verbatim notes of the war cabinet, diaries of the Soviet ambassador to the U.K. during the 1930s through the war, and other recently-disclosed sources resulted in, as the author describes it, there being something new on almost every page.

The biography is written in an entirely conventional manner: the author eschews fancy stylistic tricks in favour of an almost purely chronological recounting of Churchill's life, flipping back and forth from personal life, British politics, the world stage and Churchill's part in the events of both the Great War and World War II, and his career as an author and shaper of opinion.

Winston Churchill was an English aristocrat, but not a member of the nobility. A direct descendant of John Churchill, the 1st Duke of Marlborough, his father, Lord Randolph Churchill, was the third son of the 7th Duke of Marlborough. As only the first son inherits the title, although Randolph bore the honorific “Lord”, he was a commoner and his children, including first-born Winston, received no title. Lord Randolph was elected to the House of Commons in 1874, the year of Winston's birth, and would serve until his death in 1895, having been Chancellor of the Exchequer, Leader of the House of Commons, and Secretary of State for India. His death, aged just forty-five (rumoured at the time to be from syphilis, but now attributed to a brain tumour, as his other symptoms were inconsistent with syphilis), along with the premature deaths of three aunts and uncles at early ages, convinced the young Winston his own life might be short and that if he wanted to accomplish great things, he had no time to waste.

In terms of his subsequent career, his father's early death might have been an unappreciated turning point in Winston Churchill's life. Had his father retired from the House of Commons prior to his death, he would almost certainly have been granted a peerage in return for his long service. When he subsequently died, Winston, as eldest son, would have inherited the title and hence not been entitled to serve in the House of Commons. It is thus likely that had his father not died while still an MP, the son would never have had the political career he did nor have become prime minister in 1940.

Young, from a distinguished family, wealthy (by the standards of the average Briton, but not compared to the landed aristocracy or titans of industry and finance), ambitious, and seeking novelty and adventures to the point of recklessness, the young Churchill believed he was meant to accomplish great things in however many years Providence might grant him on Earth. In 1891, at the age of just 16, he confided to a friend,

“I can see vast changes coming over a now peaceful world, great upheavals, terrible struggles; wars such as one cannot imagine; and I tell you London will be in danger — London will be attacked and I shall be very prominent in the defence of London. … This country will be subjected, somehow, to a tremendous invasion, by what means I do not know, but I tell you I shall be in command of the defences of London and I shall save London and England from disaster. … I repeat — London will be in danger and in the high position I shall occupy, it will fall to me to save the capital and save the Empire. ”

He was, thus, from an early age, not one likely to be daunted by the challenges he assumed when, almost five decades later at an age (66) when many of his contemporaries retired, he faced a situation uncannily similar to that he imagined in boyhood.

Churchill's formal education ended at age 20 with his graduation from the military academy at Sandhurst and commissioning as a second lieutenant in the cavalry. A voracious reader, he educated himself in history, science, politics, philosophy, literature, and the classics, while ever expanding his mastery of the English language, both written and spoken. Seeking action, and finding no war in which he could participate as a British officer, he managed to persuade a London newspaper to hire him as a war correspondent and set off to cover an insurrection in Cuba against its Spanish rulers. His dispatches were well received, earning five guineas per article, and he continued to file dispatches as a war correspondent even while on active duty with British forces. By 1901, he was the highest-paid war correspondent in the world, having earned the equivalent of £1 million today from his columns, books, and lectures.

He subsequently saw action in India and the Sudan, participating in the last great cavalry charge of the British army in the Battle of Omdurman, which he described along with the rest of the Mahdist War in his book, The River War. In October 1899, funded by the Morning Post, he set out for South Africa to cover the Second Boer War. Covering the conflict, he was taken prisoner and held in a camp until, in December 1899, he escaped and crossed 300 miles of enemy territory to reach Portuguese East Africa. He later returned to South Africa as a cavalry lieutenant, participating in the Siege of Ladysmith and capture of Pretoria, continuing to file dispatches with the Morning Post which were later collected into a book.

Upon his return to Britain, Churchill found that his wartime exploits and writing had made him a celebrity. Eleven Conservative associations approached him to run for Parliament, and he chose to run in Oldham, narrowly winning. His victory was part of a massive landslide by the Unionist coalition, which won 402 seats versus 268 for the opposition. As the author notes,

“Before the new MP had even taken his seat, he had fought in four wars, published five books,… written 215 newspaper and magazine articles, participated in the greatest cavalry charge in half a century and made a spectacular escape from prison. ”

This was not a man likely to disappear into the mass of back-benchers and not rock the boat.

Churchill's views on specific issues over his long career defy those who seek to put him in one ideological box or another, either to cite him in favour of their views or vilify him as an enemy of all that is (now considered) right and proper. For example, Churchill was often denounced as a bloodthirsty warmonger, but in 1901, in just his second speech in the House of Commons, he rose to oppose a bill proposed by the Secretary of War, a member of his own party, which would have expanded the army by 50%. He argued,

“A European war cannot be anything but a cruel, heart-rending struggle which, if we are ever to enjoy the bitter fruits of victory, must demand, perhaps for several years, the whole manhood of the nation, the entire suspension of peaceful industries, and the concentrating to one end of every vital energy in the community. … A European war can only end in the ruin of the vanquished and the scarcely less fatal commercial dislocation and exhaustion of the conquerors. Democracy is more vindictive than Cabinets. The wars of peoples will be more terrible than those of kings. ”

Bear in mind, this was a full thirteen years before the outbreak of the Great War, which many politicians and military men expected to be short, decisive, and affordable in blood and treasure.

Churchill, the resolute opponent of Bolshevism, who coined the term “Cold War”, was the same person who said, after Stalin's annexation of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia in 1939, “In essence, the Soviet's Government's latest actions in the Baltic correspond to British interests, for they diminish Hitler's potential Lebensraum. If the Baltic countries have to lose their independence, it is better for them to be brought into the Soviet state system than the German one.”

Churchill, the champion of free trade and free markets, was also the one who said, in March 1943,

“You must rank me and my colleagues as strong partisans of national compulsory insurance for all classes for all purposes from the cradle to the grave. … [Everyone must work] whether they come from the ancient aristocracy, or the ordinary type of pub-crawler. … We must establish on broad and solid foundations a National Health Service. ”

And yet, just two years later, contesting the first parliamentary elections after victory in Europe, he argued,

“No Socialist Government conducting the entire life and industry of the country could afford to allow free, sharp, or violently worded expressions of public discontent. They would have to fall back on some form of Gestapo, no doubt very humanely directed in the first instance. And this would nip opinion in the bud; it would stop criticism as it reared its head, and it would gather all the power to the supreme party and the party leaders, rising like stately pinnacles above their vast bureaucracies of Civil servants, no longer servants and no longer civil. ”

Among all of the apparent contradictions and twists and turns of policy and politics there were three great invariant principles guiding Churchill's every action. He believed that the British Empire was the greatest force for civilisation, peace, and prosperity in the world. He opposed tyranny in all of its manifestations and believed it must not be allowed to consolidate its power. And he believed in the wisdom of the people expressed through the democratic institutions of parliamentary government within a constitutional monarchy, even when the people rejected him and the policies he advocated.

Today, there is an almost reflexive cringe among bien pensants at any intimation that colonialism might have been a good thing, both for the colonial power and its colonies. In a paragraph drafted with such dry irony it might go right past some readers, and reminiscent of the “What have the Romans done for us?” scene in Life of Brian, the author notes,

“Today, of course, we know imperialism and colonialism to be evil and exploitative concepts, but Churchill's first-hand experience of the British Raj did not strike him that way. He admired the way the British had brought internal peace for the first time in Indian history, as well as railways, vast irrigation projects, mass education, newspapers, the possibilities for extensive international trade, standardized units of exchange, bridges, roads, aqueducts, docks, universities, an uncorrupt legal system, medical advances, anti-famine coordination, the English language as the first national lingua franca, telegraphic communication and military protection from the Russian, French, Afghan, Afridi and other outside threats, while also abolishing suttee (the practice of burning widows on funeral pyres), thugee (the ritualized murder of travellers) and other abuses. For Churchill this was not the sinister and paternalist oppression we now know it to have been. ”

This is a splendid in-depth treatment of the life, times, and contemporaries of Winston Churchill, drawing upon a multitude of sources, some never before available to any biographer. The author does not attempt to persuade you of any particular view of Churchill's career. Here you see his many blunders (some tragic and costly) as well as the triumphs and prescient insights which made him a voice in the wilderness when so many others were stumbling blindly toward calamity. The very magnitude of Churchill's work and accomplishments would intimidate many would-be biographers: as a writer and orator he published thirty-seven books totalling 6.1 million words (more than Shakespeare and Dickens put together) and won the Nobel Prize in Literature for 1953, plus another five million words of public speeches. Even professional historians might balk at taking on a figure who, as a historian alone, had, at the time of his death, sold more history books than any historian who ever lived.

Andrew Roberts steps up to this challenge and delivers a work which makes a major contribution to understanding Churchill and will almost certainly become the starting point for those wishing to explore the life of this complicated figure whose life and works are deeply intertwined with the history of the twentieth century and whose legacy shaped the world in which we live today. This is far from a dry historical narrative: Churchill was a master of verbal repartee and story-telling, and there are a multitude of examples, many of which will have you laughing out loud at his wit and wisdom.
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Top critical review

Critical reviews›
science writer
2.0 out of 5 starsMuch omitted
Reviewed in the United States on June 14, 2023
Not recommended for someone who has only a superficial knowledge of Churchill and the era in which he lived. The author assumes the reader has a familiarity with British institutions, English political history, and the characters involved. He embellishes his chronology with numerous quotes and entries from various diaries (including King George’s). But he doesn’t always anchor the events in a coherent and explanatory narrative. Let me give just one example:

“In late June 1950, Stalin encouraged the North Korean Communist leader Kim Il-Sung to invade South Korea, in order to test Wester willpower. Truman and Attlee reacted robustly, going to South Korea’s defence. ‘The old man is very good to me,’ Churchill said to Sir David Maxwell Fyfe, a lawyer MP and future home secretary. ‘I could not have managed this situation had I been in Attlee’s place.’ Since Truman was ten years younger than Churchill, Maxwell Fyfe not unnaturally asked, ‘What old man?’ ‘God, Sir Donald,’ came the reply. We can only speculate why Churchill always called Sir David Sir Donald.”

I read this paragraph three or four times without being able to suss out its meaning–or embed it in a historical context. Many similar incidents are dropped into the narrative without sufficient explanation. Obfuscation and evasion abound.

For example, the author doesn’t acknowledge events and relationships that surely had a profound emotional impact on Churchill. His warm and (mostly) friendly relationship with Roosevelt is described in detail, but no reaction to his death is recorded.

Two of Churchill’s daughters, Diana and Sarah, were mentally ill, and his son displayed erratic behavior. The author doesn’t mention any of this, although he refers vaguely to the fact that Diana “wasn’t at ease with herself.”

In the political realm, the author editorializes frequently, passing judgment on the various players and their opinions and actions. For example, Roberts registers his approval of Churchill’s support for British (and American) interference in the overturning of the democratically elected government in Iran with this sentence: “Churchill has been much criticized for this intervention in the Iranian domestic politics, but it kept that country firmly in the Western camp for over a quarter of a century, beyond which no statesman can be expected to foresee.” Really? That’s the only reason not to interfere?

I suppose attention to Churchill’s political decisions needs to be paramount. But there's too much justification of his often questionable actions, while not enough emphasis is given to other aspects of his life.
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From the United States

John Walker
5.0 out of 5 stars Magnificent Single-Volume Biography of Churchill
Reviewed in the United States on July 19, 2019
Verified Purchase
At the point that Andrew Roberts sat down to write a new biography of Winston Churchill, there were a total of 1009 biographies of the man in print, examining every aspect of his life from a multitude of viewpoints. Works include the encyclopedic three-volume  The Last Lion  by William Manchester and Paul Reid, and Roy Jenkins' single-volume  Churchill: A Biography , which concentrates on Churchill's political career. Such books may seem to many readers to say just about everything about Churchill there is to be said from the abundant documentation available for his life. What could a new biography possibly add to the story?

As the author demonstrates in this magnificent and weighty book (1152 pages, 982 of main text), a great deal. Earlier Churchill biographers laboured under the constraint that many of Churchill's papers from World War II and the postwar era remained under the seal of official secrecy. These included the extensive notes taken by King George VI during his weekly meetings with the Prime Minister during the war and recorded in his personal diary. The classified documents were made public only fifty years after the end of the war, and the King's wartime diaries were made available to the author by special permission granted by the King's daughter, Queen Elizabeth II.

The royal diaries are an invaluable source on Churchill's candid thinking as the war progressed. As a firm believer in constitutional monarchy, Churchill withheld nothing in his discussions with the King. Even the deepest secrets, such as the breaking of the German codes, the information obtained from decrypted messages, and atomic secrets, which were shared with only a few of the most senior and trusted government officials, were discussed in detail with the King. Further, while Churchill was constantly on stage trying to hold the Grand Alliance together, encourage Britons to stay in the fight, and advance his geopolitical goals which were often at variance with even the Americans, with the King he was brutally honest about Britain's situation and what he was trying to accomplish. Oddly, perhaps the best insight into Churchill's mind as the war progressed comes not from his own 
six-volume history  of the war, but rather the pen of the King, writing only to himself. In addition, sources such as verbatim notes of the war cabinet, diaries of the Soviet ambassador to the U.K. during the 1930s through the war, and other recently-disclosed sources resulted in, as the author describes it, there being something new on almost every page.

The biography is written in an entirely conventional manner: the author eschews fancy stylistic tricks in favour of an almost purely chronological recounting of Churchill's life, flipping back and forth from personal life, British politics, the world stage and Churchill's part in the events of both the Great War and World War II, and his career as an author and shaper of opinion.

Winston Churchill was an English aristocrat, but not a member of the nobility. A direct descendant of John Churchill, the 1st Duke of Marlborough, his father, Lord Randolph Churchill, was the third son of the 7th Duke of Marlborough. As only the first son inherits the title, although Randolph bore the honorific “Lord”, he was a commoner and his children, including first-born Winston, received no title. Lord Randolph was elected to the House of Commons in 1874, the year of Winston's birth, and would serve until his death in 1895, having been Chancellor of the Exchequer, Leader of the House of Commons, and Secretary of State for India. His death, aged just forty-five (rumoured at the time to be from syphilis, but now attributed to a brain tumour, as his other symptoms were inconsistent with syphilis), along with the premature deaths of three aunts and uncles at early ages, convinced the young Winston his own life might be short and that if he wanted to accomplish great things, he had no time to waste.

In terms of his subsequent career, his father's early death might have been an unappreciated turning point in Winston Churchill's life. Had his father retired from the House of Commons prior to his death, he would almost certainly have been granted a peerage in return for his long service. When he subsequently died, Winston, as eldest son, would have inherited the title and hence not been entitled to serve in the House of Commons. It is thus likely that had his father not died while still an MP, the son would never have had the political career he did nor have become prime minister in 1940.

Young, from a distinguished family, wealthy (by the standards of the average Briton, but not compared to the landed aristocracy or titans of industry and finance), ambitious, and seeking novelty and adventures to the point of recklessness, the young Churchill believed he was meant to accomplish great things in however many years Providence might grant him on Earth. In 1891, at the age of just 16, he confided to a friend,

“I can see vast changes coming over a now peaceful world, great upheavals, terrible struggles; wars such as one cannot imagine; and I tell you London will be in danger — London will be attacked and I shall be very prominent in the defence of London. … This country will be subjected, somehow, to a tremendous invasion, by what means I do not know, but I tell you I shall be in command of the defences of London and I shall save London and England from disaster. … I repeat — London will be in danger and in the high position I shall occupy, it will fall to me to save the capital and save the Empire. ”

He was, thus, from an early age, not one likely to be daunted by the challenges he assumed when, almost five decades later at an age (66) when many of his contemporaries retired, he faced a situation uncannily similar to that he imagined in boyhood.

Churchill's formal education ended at age 20 with his graduation from the military academy at Sandhurst and commissioning as a second lieutenant in the cavalry. A voracious reader, he educated himself in history, science, politics, philosophy, literature, and the classics, while ever expanding his mastery of the English language, both written and spoken. Seeking action, and finding no war in which he could participate as a British officer, he managed to persuade a London newspaper to hire him as a war correspondent and set off to cover an insurrection in Cuba against its Spanish rulers. His dispatches were well received, earning five guineas per article, and he continued to file dispatches as a war correspondent even while on active duty with British forces. By 1901, he was the highest-paid war correspondent in the world, having earned the equivalent of £1 million today from his columns, books, and lectures.

He subsequently saw action in India and the Sudan, participating in the last great cavalry charge of the British army in the Battle of Omdurman, which he described along with the rest of the Mahdist War in his book, 
The River War . In October 1899, funded by the Morning Post, he set out for South Africa to cover the Second Boer War. Covering the conflict, he was taken prisoner and held in a camp until, in December 1899, he escaped and crossed 300 miles of enemy territory to reach Portuguese East Africa. He later returned to South Africa as a cavalry lieutenant, participating in the Siege of Ladysmith and capture of Pretoria, continuing to file dispatches with the Morning Post which were later collected into a book.

Upon his return to Britain, Churchill found that his wartime exploits and writing had made him a celebrity. Eleven Conservative associations approached him to run for Parliament, and he chose to run in Oldham, narrowly winning. His victory was part of a massive landslide by the Unionist coalition, which won 402 seats versus 268 for the opposition. As the author notes,

“Before the new MP had even taken his seat, he had fought in four wars, published five books,… written 215 newspaper and magazine articles, participated in the greatest cavalry charge in half a century and made a spectacular escape from prison. ”

This was not a man likely to disappear into the mass of back-benchers and not rock the boat.

Churchill's views on specific issues over his long career defy those who seek to put him in one ideological box or another, either to cite him in favour of their views or vilify him as an enemy of all that is (now considered) right and proper. For example, Churchill was often denounced as a bloodthirsty warmonger, but in 1901, in just his second speech in the House of Commons, he rose to oppose a bill proposed by the Secretary of War, a member of his own party, which would have expanded the army by 50%. He argued,

“A European war cannot be anything but a cruel, heart-rending struggle which, if we are ever to enjoy the bitter fruits of victory, must demand, perhaps for several years, the whole manhood of the nation, the entire suspension of peaceful industries, and the concentrating to one end of every vital energy in the community. … A European war can only end in the ruin of the vanquished and the scarcely less fatal commercial dislocation and exhaustion of the conquerors. Democracy is more vindictive than Cabinets. The wars of peoples will be more terrible than those of kings. ”

Bear in mind, this was a full thirteen years before the outbreak of the Great War, which many politicians and military men expected to be short, decisive, and affordable in blood and treasure.

Churchill, the resolute opponent of Bolshevism, who coined the term “Cold War”, was the same person who said, after Stalin's annexation of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia in 1939, “In essence, the Soviet's Government's latest actions in the Baltic correspond to British interests, for they diminish Hitler's potential Lebensraum. If the Baltic countries have to lose their independence, it is better for them to be brought into the Soviet state system than the German one.”

Churchill, the champion of free trade and free markets, was also the one who said, in March 1943,

“You must rank me and my colleagues as strong partisans of national compulsory insurance for all classes for all purposes from the cradle to the grave. … [Everyone must work] whether they come from the ancient aristocracy, or the ordinary type of pub-crawler. … We must establish on broad and solid foundations a National Health Service. ”

And yet, just two years later, contesting the first parliamentary elections after victory in Europe, he argued,

“No Socialist Government conducting the entire life and industry of the country could afford to allow free, sharp, or violently worded expressions of public discontent. They would have to fall back on some form of Gestapo, no doubt very humanely directed in the first instance. And this would nip opinion in the bud; it would stop criticism as it reared its head, and it would gather all the power to the supreme party and the party leaders, rising like stately pinnacles above their vast bureaucracies of Civil servants, no longer servants and no longer civil. ”

Among all of the apparent contradictions and twists and turns of policy and politics there were three great invariant principles guiding Churchill's every action. He believed that the British Empire was the greatest force for civilisation, peace, and prosperity in the world. He opposed tyranny in all of its manifestations and believed it must not be allowed to consolidate its power. And he believed in the wisdom of the people expressed through the democratic institutions of parliamentary government within a constitutional monarchy, even when the people rejected him and the policies he advocated.

Today, there is an almost reflexive cringe among bien pensants at any intimation that colonialism might have been a good thing, both for the colonial power and its colonies. In a paragraph drafted with such dry irony it might go right past some readers, and reminiscent of the “What have the Romans done for us?” scene in Life of Brian, the author notes,

“Today, of course, we know imperialism and colonialism to be evil and exploitative concepts, but Churchill's first-hand experience of the British Raj did not strike him that way. He admired the way the British had brought internal peace for the first time in Indian history, as well as railways, vast irrigation projects, mass education, newspapers, the possibilities for extensive international trade, standardized units of exchange, bridges, roads, aqueducts, docks, universities, an uncorrupt legal system, medical advances, anti-famine coordination, the English language as the first national lingua franca, telegraphic communication and military protection from the Russian, French, Afghan, Afridi and other outside threats, while also abolishing suttee (the practice of burning widows on funeral pyres), thugee (the ritualized murder of travellers) and other abuses. For Churchill this was not the sinister and paternalist oppression we now know it to have been. ”

This is a splendid in-depth treatment of the life, times, and contemporaries of Winston Churchill, drawing upon a multitude of sources, some never before available to any biographer. The author does not attempt to persuade you of any particular view of Churchill's career. Here you see his many blunders (some tragic and costly) as well as the triumphs and prescient insights which made him a voice in the wilderness when so many others were stumbling blindly toward calamity. The very magnitude of Churchill's work and accomplishments would intimidate many would-be biographers: as a writer and orator he published thirty-seven books totalling 6.1 million words (more than Shakespeare and Dickens put together) and won the Nobel Prize in Literature for 1953, plus another five million words of public speeches. Even professional historians might balk at taking on a figure who, as a historian alone, had, at the time of his death, sold more history books than any historian who ever lived.

Andrew Roberts steps up to this challenge and delivers a work which makes a major contribution to understanding Churchill and will almost certainly become the starting point for those wishing to explore the life of this complicated figure whose life and works are deeply intertwined with the history of the twentieth century and whose legacy shaped the world in which we live today. This is far from a dry historical narrative: Churchill was a master of verbal repartee and story-telling, and there are a multitude of examples, many of which will have you laughing out loud at his wit and wisdom.
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Michael Herzen
5.0 out of 5 stars "sold more history books than any historian in history" p.973
Reviewed in the United States on March 10, 2021
Verified Purchase
A good biography should include photos, maps, footnotes (to verify citations), bibliography, and detailed index. On those criteria, this is a superlative biography, with all of those in abundance. The author, training and residing (mostly) in England, has adapted some Anglicisms for this American audience, but be prepared to navigate from time to time the intricacies of elections to the House of Commons, which are not.
Although one volume, this paperback edition is massive, with almost 1000 pages of text alone, plus an additional nearly 40 pages of footnotes (not to mention a ‘select bibliography’ and detailed index). For such a man, who published 37 volumes of prose, mostly history, of over 6 million words (pp 972-3), in addition to his life-long commitment to politics, this hefty work of small print is barely enough to encompass the minimum needed to paint his greatness, without omitting his exasperating deficiencies – this is, to reemphasize, a biography, and not a whitewash. The author’s task, of reading all this and much more (including, especially, his letters to his wife Clementine, Soviet Ambassador Maisky’s musings, Brooke’s frustrations in his diary entries) and then organizing the thousands of notes taken to form a comprehensible logical tale, cannot ever be fully appreciated by us passive consumers, by us laymen.
Mr. Roberts has composed a captivating tale, told in accessible, ever sensible and pleasing prose, putting it into that rare class of great biographies with John Lewis Gaddis’ “Kennan” and George Packer’s “Our Man” (on Richard Holbrooke). This is especially true of the first half, 1874-1940, “The Preparation”, introducing WSC (Winston Spencer Churchill) to “The Trial”, his guiding of the UK through WW2, from 1940 and down to his death in 1965. This first part lays the groundwork in masterly fashion for the reader to understand how WSC had trained himself for this display of incomparable leadership after May 1940. Roberts interweaves, throughout, the leitmotif of WSC’s father, Randolph, showing convincingly, without the all-too-common modern psychobabble, how that absent father, dying too early, held sway over WSC his entire life (see, especially, WSC’s touching work “The Dream” described on pp 904-6). How odd it is to realize that without this demanding, psychologically distant father, WSC would have been a different, a lesser man. What parental lessons can be taken from this? WSC’s description of Soviet foreign policy seems apt: ‘A riddle, wrapped in a mystery, inside an enigma.’ (p. 472)
While Roberts details the opportunities lost to avoid WW2 – in particular, the remilitarization of the Rhineland in 1936, where Hitler had given orders for retreat on the first sign of resistance from France (p. 397), to von Kleist’s assessment that Germany could not have withstood more than three months if the Sudetenland had not capitulated in 1938 (p. 430) – Neville Chamberlain’s key role with “peace in our time” is painted in much more sympathetic and subtle colors. Roberts shows, in addition, that Hitler’s intrigues for ‘peace’ do not end after September 3, 1939 and the declarations of war from England and France. In fact, he gives a convincing counter-factual scheme for Halifax, in Churchill’s absence, suing for peace (p. 978) – it was only Churchill’s intransigent stubbornness that insured England’s opposition to one of history’s most perfect embodiments of undistilled evil.
All of this, and more (including delicious helpings of WSC’s unequalled wit) distinguishes this book. What does not:
a) The Versailles Treaty was not nearly as ‘harsh’ as he paints it (p 273). Its provisions could have been met, with good-will from Weimer Germany, but the ‘stab-in-the-back’ legend was much more damaging, making that good will politically difficult. Moreover, Clemenceau did not agree to ameliorating them, those provisions, because he couldn’t: he was barely able to get them accepted by the French Chamber of Deputies, which wanted them to be much harsher.
b) The author recognizes the moral problem of “Bomber” Harris and the indiscriminate leveling of German cities, but seems to confuse ‘strategic’ and ‘tactical’ bombing (p 781). Moreover, his ‘select bibliography’ does not include A.C. Grayling’s “Among the Dead Cities”, a required primer on this subject. (A window in the apse of Westminster Abbey is still dedicated to Harris, his crews, and his atrocities.)
c) Roberts reports of course the abomination of the death camps, but does not delineate, with any finality, when Churchill first became aware of them, implying it was July 1944 (p. 829). He notes that the Americans (the only ones who could, as it required daylight precision) refused to agree to bombing the rail lines into Auschwitz, but does not explain why that decision was made. This would have made the book even longer, but not by much. He could have added, for example, the inaccuracy of the storied Norden bombsight, with after-war surveys showing 50% of bombs missing their target by more than 1000 ft; or the average time needed during the war to repair rail lines: 2 days; or the terrible death toll of bombing raids, where it was an exceptional crewmember who survived more than 20 flights; or the overwhelming need to end the war, which such raids would not have aided and quite possibly even delayed.
d) The author’s Hoover Institute credentials, ie his conservative leanings, are evident in Churchill himself as a subject, to be sure (see, eg WSC’s support of what we call ‘right-to-work’ legislation, p. 324), but Roberts is often critical of Churchill’s most outrageous racial comments. Thus, fortunately, that conservatism does not leak out very often, but when it does, it is jarring, as in his comment that Reagan was ‘instrumental’ in destroying the Soviet Union (p 855) which is just absurd (the key was Gorbachev, and any post, any even inanimate object, in the White House could have served as that ‘instrument’). And, to assert that overthrowing Mossadegh in 1953 despite its producing the Iran Revolution of 1979 was worthwhile (p 941) is distressing, to say the least, as it throws a disturbing light on his previously nearly impeccable faculty of judgment.
The above four qualifications notwithstanding, if you are interested in WSC, buy this book. You will not regret it.
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Ronald A. Atkinson
5.0 out of 5 stars I Didn’t Want It To End!
Reviewed in the United States on July 5, 2020
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It has taken me quite a while to sit down and write this review of Andrew Roberts’s remarkable biography of Winston Churchill. There are a few reasons why it has taken me so long. Churchill-Walking with Destiny challenged many of the notions I have had of Winston Churchill since I was a young student of history. It took me a while to come to terms with some of these long-held opinions and evaluate them against the new evidence that Roberts provides. The fact that my reading this book coincided with the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of many of the closing acts of World War II in Europe also delayed my writing this review. Roberts presents evidence and arguments that have led me to re-evaluate not just Churchill’s actions during World War II and the Cold War, but also the respective roles of Britain, the Commonwealth, and other nations from the end of the war until today.

Enough excuses! On with the review!

I think the most important aspect of this book is that it draws on materials that have not been available to historians and researchers until very recently. Accessing diaries from notables such as King George VI and parliamentary documents from the House of Commons, Roberts is able to explain many of Churchill’s actions and thoughts with much more certainty than could the historians and biographers of earlier generations. Written evidence, especially that of the King, provides insights into some of Churchill’s more questionable and controversial decisions and beliefs. Even if the new evidence does not absolve Churchill of complicity in some events for which he has long been criticized, it does provide greater context and begs consideration of the options that Churchill might have had before him. Roberts carefully reexamines events such as the Tonypandy Riots, the Indian Famine, Churchill’s role in the defense of Antwerp in 1914, the Dardanelles Campaign, and his early opinion of Mussolini. It is the reassessment of Churchill’s roles and actions in these and many other events that really invite readers to reassess Churchill himself. Also explained in several instances is Churchill’s perception of himself and his careful assessment of when to fight for a cause and when to back off. Roberts acknowledges a certain amount of hero-worship for the protagonist, but also criticizes where criticism is due, and asks readers to evaluate certain actions and thoughts within the context of new evidence.

Context, itself, is a critical part of this examination of Churchill’s life. While many biographies present decisions, events, and motivations in a rather matter-of-fact manner, Roberts manages to show that decisions were not always simple and straightforward. In fact, most decisions Churchill made—especially during his middle age and through World War II—were well-considered and based on history and a careful reading of his contemporaries, but we’re far from simple. Roberts points out, as have others, that Churchill was often motivated by his perception of how history would judge him—and Britain. He considered how history would judge him and England when advocating for the Dardanelles campaign, resisting the appeasement movement in the 1930s, and many other critical points in history. His use of history to support political and military arguments, and his awareness that he was writing several chapters of history himself helped him arrive at some decisions that might be seen technically and practically as misguided, but morally correct.

Regarding the man, himself, Roberts paints a great picture of a man who loved his country, his wife, his friends, and his many artistic and scientific passions. Roberts provides ample evidence of Churchill’s work ethic and his demands for loyalty and facts. Churchill’s abilities to absorb mountains of information (especially when he wanted to) and compartmentalize that information is evident. So to is his ability to (usually) organize military and administrative advisors into cohesive units. The book abounds with humorous anecdotes and sets them in context to allow the reader greater appreciation for his quick and devastating wit. Roberts also shares moments where Churchill’s pride colored his thoughts and writings, allowing readers to understand the flaws in his histories and other writings.

As the biography wound down, I found myself wanting more. This want is not a reflection on Roberts, but is actually a compliment. While other biographies and histories left me thinking I “knew” Churchill, Roberts provided so much new information and so much fuller context, that I now feel like there is much more to know. I am hopeful that others will pick up where Roberts left off and help us all better understand the enigma that was—and is—Winston Churchill.
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Ronald A. Atkinson
5.0 out of 5 stars I Didn’t Want It To End!
Reviewed in the United States on July 5, 2020
It has taken me quite a while to sit down and write this review of Andrew Roberts’s remarkable biography of Winston Churchill. There are a few reasons why it has taken me so long. Churchill-Walking with Destiny challenged many of the notions I have had of Winston Churchill since I was a young student of history. It took me a while to come to terms with some of these long-held opinions and evaluate them against the new evidence that Roberts provides. The fact that my reading this book coincided with the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of many of the closing acts of World War II in Europe also delayed my writing this review. Roberts presents evidence and arguments that have led me to re-evaluate not just Churchill’s actions during World War II and the Cold War, but also the respective roles of Britain, the Commonwealth, and other nations from the end of the war until today.

Enough excuses! On with the review!

I think the most important aspect of this book is that it draws on materials that have not been available to historians and researchers until very recently. Accessing diaries from notables such as King George VI and parliamentary documents from the House of Commons, Roberts is able to explain many of Churchill’s actions and thoughts with much more certainty than could the historians and biographers of earlier generations. Written evidence, especially that of the King, provides insights into some of Churchill’s more questionable and controversial decisions and beliefs. Even if the new evidence does not absolve Churchill of complicity in some events for which he has long been criticized, it does provide greater context and begs consideration of the options that Churchill might have had before him. Roberts carefully reexamines events such as the Tonypandy Riots, the Indian Famine, Churchill’s role in the defense of Antwerp in 1914, the Dardanelles Campaign, and his early opinion of Mussolini. It is the reassessment of Churchill’s roles and actions in these and many other events that really invite readers to reassess Churchill himself. Also explained in several instances is Churchill’s perception of himself and his careful assessment of when to fight for a cause and when to back off. Roberts acknowledges a certain amount of hero-worship for the protagonist, but also criticizes where criticism is due, and asks readers to evaluate certain actions and thoughts within the context of new evidence.

Context, itself, is a critical part of this examination of Churchill’s life. While many biographies present decisions, events, and motivations in a rather matter-of-fact manner, Roberts manages to show that decisions were not always simple and straightforward. In fact, most decisions Churchill made—especially during his middle age and through World War II—were well-considered and based on history and a careful reading of his contemporaries, but we’re far from simple. Roberts points out, as have others, that Churchill was often motivated by his perception of how history would judge him—and Britain. He considered how history would judge him and England when advocating for the Dardanelles campaign, resisting the appeasement movement in the 1930s, and many other critical points in history. His use of history to support political and military arguments, and his awareness that he was writing several chapters of history himself helped him arrive at some decisions that might be seen technically and practically as misguided, but morally correct.

Regarding the man, himself, Roberts paints a great picture of a man who loved his country, his wife, his friends, and his many artistic and scientific passions. Roberts provides ample evidence of Churchill’s work ethic and his demands for loyalty and facts. Churchill’s abilities to absorb mountains of information (especially when he wanted to) and compartmentalize that information is evident. So to is his ability to (usually) organize military and administrative advisors into cohesive units. The book abounds with humorous anecdotes and sets them in context to allow the reader greater appreciation for his quick and devastating wit. Roberts also shares moments where Churchill’s pride colored his thoughts and writings, allowing readers to understand the flaws in his histories and other writings.

As the biography wound down, I found myself wanting more. This want is not a reflection on Roberts, but is actually a compliment. While other biographies and histories left me thinking I “knew” Churchill, Roberts provided so much new information and so much fuller context, that I now feel like there is much more to know. I am hopeful that others will pick up where Roberts left off and help us all better understand the enigma that was—and is—Winston Churchill.
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Edward Nelson
5.0 out of 5 stars An excellent book, highly readable and informative; I offer some quibbles
Reviewed in the United States on April 28, 2019
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An excellent book, highly readable and informative.

Although the book is exceptionally well written, I did notice (having read every word of the book) two recurring aspects of Roberts' writing that I found somewhat jarring.

First, Roberts is too prone to use “where” after words that are not locations. The following formulations appear: pantomime where (p. 16), party where (pp. 94, 117, 429), forum where (p. 151), debate where (p. 251), corps where (p. 252), by-election where (p. 294), election where (p. 304), argument where (p. 330), book where (p. 425), meeting where (p. 502), dinner where (p. 724), issues where (p. 812). In all these cases, “where” could and should have been “in which” or “at which.”

Secondly, a number of sentences here and there don’t seem to scan. For example: (i) The sentence before the gap between paragraphs on page 18 doesn’t work. (ii) On page 86, two sentences in a row start “By contrast…” (iii) On page 474, the sentence starting “They discussed…” doesn’t make sense; “in which” should be a new sentence starting “In this discussion, …” (iv) On page 837, it’s unclear what “it” is in the first full sentence on the page. (v) Page 888 contains the zigzag formulation: “One reason... was partly because…”

A few other factual and typographical items I noticed were:
1. Page 396 describes defense spending in 1935/1936 “as a proportion of GDP.” It should have been made clear that GDP statistics were only constructed later, so defense spending would not have been described in these terms at the time.
2. Page 521, near the end of the page, there is a typo: “to wrote to” should be “wrote to’
3. Page 540 There is a typo that has the effect of misquoting a Churchill passage: “encompassing” should be “compassing.”
4. Page 549: “part… were” should be “part…was”
5. Page 572: A Nazi memorandum from July 2, 1940 titled “The War Against England" is sourced to a 1959 book titled War At the Top, but it had already been quoted in a number of books in the 1950s including a book by Ian Colvin in 1951 titled Chief of Intelligence.
6. Page 757 claims that August 1941 remarks marked “the only occasion on which Churchill expressed a belief in any kind of life after death.” This is not correct; indeed, on page 222 Roberts quoted a reference by Churchill to heaven in his book Painting As a Pastime.
7. Page 775 uses the term “strategic bombing” as though it does not include bombing of urban/civilian targets, but usually the term does include such countervalue targets.
8. Page 780 refers to “98,000 thousand.” Either the second “thousand” is a typo, or this should be “98 million.”
9. Page 827: “he did he” should be “he did.”
10. Page 849 says of a letter Churchill wrote to FDR, “It was not a letter he reprinted in his war memoirs.” Here “reprinted” should be “printed” (the letter had not been “printed” to start with).
11. Page 870 has a paragraph on an April 1945 conversation in which Churchill criticized the USA and its allies for putting pressure after WWI on Italy and Germany to abandon having monarchies. As Churchill made the same criticism on pages 10 to 11 of The Gathering Storm, this is not a view for which attribution to a private Churchill conversation is necessary.
12. On page 897 there is a likely material misquotation from a letter written by Anthony Eden. Roberts gives Eden referring to Churchill’s “patent inclination” to stay Conservative party leader, but D.R. Thorpe’s 2005 book on Eden (p. 340) gave it as “present inclination” and the full sentence, given by Thorpe, suggests Thorpe’s rendition is accurate.
13. Page 900: “such hatred as” is misquoted as “such hatred that.”
14. Page 925 says “Labour had nationalized one fifth of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product.” Labour nationalization was of industries (a stock) not of items in GDP (a flow), so the description does not make sense as written.
15. Page 914 gives David Butler as Princeton University-affiliated in 1950, but in fact he was only there in 1947-1948 (Who's Who 1987, p. 257).
16. Page 932 says that 1952 saw “the first time since 1945 that the Americans had taken Britain’s side against a third power.” As the UK and USA were fighting the Korean War together since 1950, this statement cannot be correct.
17. Page 1025 refers to "the writings of... Alan Clark" on Churchill, but no Alan Clark writings are included in Roberts' bibliography.
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Chris
5.0 out of 5 stars A great book about a great man written by a great historian
Reviewed in the United States on January 19, 2019
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Regretfully, today I completed my first reading project of the year, “Churchill: Walking With Destiny” by Andrew Roberts. By some accounts, this is the 1,010th book written about Winston Spencer Churchill. One may wonder what could be said that has not already been written. But Roberts utilizes new sources of information not previously available when other works on Churchill’s life have been written. For example, Roberts was provided exclusive access to transcripts of the War Cabinet and the diary of King George VI, who carefully recorded his meetings with the Prime Minister during WWII. Roberts also had access to a massive trove of correspondence and diaries from Churchill’s friends, enemies and family. All of this primary source material provides ample justification for yet another volume to be written about Churchill.

To many, Churchill is a caricature. He is often perceived as such because his accomplishments and body of work is so great it is barely believable that one man could have lived all that accomplishment in one lifetime. But that is what makes Churchill so interesting. Roberts provides a great service to humanity in writing this book. In a massive single volume (982 pages) Roberts provides the breadth and depth and significance of this consequential world leader. It is hard to think of a very long list of historical figures who, when described as consequential, one could be criticized for understatement. But such was Winston Churchill.

When I read a great book about a great man, I am drawn into the narrative and I develop a mental relationship with both the author and the protagonist. When I complete such a volume I mourn the fact that it is must come to an end. The mark of an author’s ability to draw one in to his narrative is whether the reader fells empathy and pain as the subject of the biography struggles or triumphs. This is the case in this instance—Roberts is a master storyteller who draws you in with his prose, and the remarkable life of Churchill does the rest. Of course, like all men, Churchill died. But I found myself very impacted by the world’s loss when this great man breathed his last breath.

Roberts has not written a panegyric; rather, Roberts views Churchill through an objective lens, showing Churchill in his greatness and in all his faults. One would expect no less from a professional historian, even one who has studied Churchill for the past 30 years.

Many who have reviewed this new work have commented that it is the best one volume written about Churchill. While I do not have the breadth of reading to be able to make an informed judgment, I will say that what Roberts has captured in this one volume, albeit massive, is quite impressive. Roberts has captured Churchill in a unique way and I believe that this work will stand the test of time and become standard reading on the life of Churchill.

One thing that you learn about Churchill is that he was a professional historian. Indeed, he wrote more than 6 million words in his lifetime in 37 volumes. This depth of historical knowledge allowed Churchill to place current events in proper historical perspective. Because there is “nothing new under the sun” it would be wise for leaders to be students of history. As Lord Kilmuir wrote to Churchill in 1956, “I have always believed that a living sense of history is a sine qua non of a politician.” When judged by this standard most of our government leaders seem like Lilliputians in a world of giants. No wonder our leaders seem to steer a rudderless ship of state by the whims of the uninformed and fail to reach any destination of consequence.

Reading this one volume should be a requirement to graduate high school. This book provided me a better historical perspective of the world situation during the great world conflicts than any textbook ever did. So, read this book and become better informed. Read history to become more prescient as the past will be repeated in the future. And we need an informed electorate so that we can expect more from our leaders than we do. Read this book and be inspired by this dominant dynamo of a man. Thank you Andrew Roberts, I will always be in your debt for this beautiful work of history.

I am on to my next reading project, which arrived in yesterday’s post, Napoleon by, you guessed it, Andrew Roberts. Happy reading!
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B. Johnson
5.0 out of 5 stars In a word, Winston Churchill -- the book and the man-- are “large.”
Reviewed in the United States on December 20, 2018
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I received Churchill 11/19/18 and just finished it today, 12/20/18. The 982 pages of text were a slog sometimes with vast array of characters entering and leaving the scene and then returning after 100 or so pages, but that is to be expected when the story is large, too .

Churchill, the man, benchmarked his life accomplishments against his three heroes: his most prominent ancestor, John Churchill, first Duke of Marlborough, victor at the battle of Blenheim, where his leadership saved Britain and its allies in 1704; Napoleon Bonaparte (a theme the author did not develop as much as others); and, Lord Randolph Spencer Churchill, his eccentric, distant, neglectful, and abusive father, a Tory Party leader and wannabe Prime Minister.

Reading 982 pages of text – equivalent to about 4 “regular-sized” books-- is not for the undisciplined reader. However, this book is 2 to 5 times shorter than the other 11 multi-volume biographies of Winston Churchill. His biographies are large because the subject is large Everyone may not find this book a suitable undertaking. Such a “large” read requires discipline, and sufficient familiarity of British and world history so the reader appreciate the larger significance and subtle nuances of the events being reported.

I compare this book to a Russian novel in its panorama, ever-evolving complexity of plot and subplots, the number of characters (the book says he worked with 132 British peers, but the full cast is much larger), and their changing motives. The scope of this book is immense. Its depth is multilayered. Andrew Roberts zooms out to dissect the largest events of the century in which he was a major actor, not just a participant, in many world-changing social, economic, military, and political events and trends, and the author zooms in to reveal this fallible, yet heroic, man’s most personal interludes and thoughts.

This book propels you forward through a century of ever-accelerating major events – wars, national independence movements, elections, economic cycles, deaths -- that are producing outcomes that change the world forever, and frequently, it screeches for a page or so to zoom in on the protagonist’s personal actions, thoughts, and words to capture the complexity of this tragic, and heroic personality.

To try to put the scope of this book into perspective, consider this. Churchill (born 1874) grew to young manhood in the Victorian Era, 26 years before it ended in 1900, and he died 90 years later in 1966, 13 years into the reign of the current British monarch, Elizabeth II (1953). In between, he was a peer to 8 British monarchs and 25 Prime Ministers, 9 US Presidents (TR to LBJ), to 5 Russian leaders (Tsar Nicholas II to Leonid Brezhnev), to 10 German leaders (Wilhelm II to Heinrich Lubke), and actively influenced the 3 most cataclysmic events of the 20th century, WW I, WW II and the Cold War that ended in 1991, 25 years after his death.

The book develops many intersecting themes. My favorite one is the recurring examples of how Churchill lived his famous “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat” speech on May 10, 1940 (p. 526) as Britain stood alone against Hitler’s threat to the survival of Britain … and the world. Blood -- Churchill was a decorated war hero in 5 wars. Toil and Sweat -- he maintained a prodigious work schedule that exhausted this large staff and was a prolific writer of 20 major works and over 1,000 speeches. Tears – he emotional and openly, unashamedly wept on many private and public occasions.

Another theme is Churchill’s love for drinking champagne. It is easy for me to imagine that mischievous, cherubic 66-year old man sitting an in bath tub in the darkest days of 1940 Battle of Britain drinking Pol Roget champagne (he did so since 1908) and dictating “Action This Day” memos to defeat the superior military forces and super-weapons of his nemesis, Adolph Hitler. Churchill subscribed to Napoleon's maxim on champagne: "In victory, deserve it. In defeat, need it!" (p. 858 ) Pol Roger still holds the Royal Warrant as the purveyors of champagne to Queen Elizabeth II. In Churchill's honor, Pol Roger’s prestige champagne label is called Pol Roger Cuvée Sir Winston Churchill.

I plan to have one now. I deserve it.
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Mainer
VINE VOICE
5.0 out of 5 stars I finished it on June 6, 2019
Reviewed in the United States on June 22, 2019
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When I took this 1,100 page volume out of the box it weighed a ton. I was pretty sure I would probably abandon it before I finished. I was wrong. Coincidentally I finished the last 50 pages on the 75th anniversary of D-Day. This is the definitive biography of Churchill, a worthy investment in adult education. It looks at his life in incredible detail and benefits from access to previously unavailable sources. The diaries and other writings of many political leaders add to the detail and depth of analysis. The King's notes from their weekly meetings during World War Two were also available for the first time.

I'm and early Boomer, born in 1948. The war seemed liked ancient history to me. I sort of knew about Churchill and his importance in world history while I was growing up. I think we had one of his histories on our bookshelf. However, I never got around to reading anything by or about him. This seems like the right time. This volume is, without question, the best place to start.

Andrew Roberts' accomplishment is amazing. His style and analysis of Churchill's life are combined into a presentation that is enjoyable and easy to read, with an unparalleled level of detail I had an impression that Churchill was always a popular and widely admired leader, especially during the Blitz. If fact, there were plenty of politicians who disagreed with him throughout his lifetime of public service. They challenged many of his strategies and decisions, especially during WWII. His ascent to Prime Minister was his intention in his younger years. He was the center of controversy during both world wars and the years between them.. He enjoyed popularity with Britain's civilian population during World War Two. That wasn't true of many of the ministers and colleagues in the House of Commons. His strategies and decisions were widely criticized. In fact many were prescient, much to the dismay to many of his foes. Roberts also discusses the US and Roosevelt and their role in supporting the British war effort until the US declared war on Germany and Japan. Stalin didn't play as large a role as we think he did,. Churchill's family members also are crucial to understanding his many of his actions. Their relationships with him contributed to his leadership and ultimate success.

I've enjoyed this type of historical biography for a long time, although I didn't particularly enjoy history in high school. This is absolutely at the top of list. It is interesting and educational and worth the investment in time. It puts the first half of the 20th century in perspective. It also sets the stage for American prosperity and recovery from the ravages of war during the second half of the century. You can't help but contemplate the time and effort that Andrew Roberts expended.to create a volume of this significance. I prefer to sit down with a real book with pages made out of paper. It's sad that some of those people are tapping on their smart phones during every moment they are awake. They can't put them down long enough to enjoy a good read. They might benefit from reading something other than their phones..
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Richard Flagg
5.0 out of 5 stars An excellent book on such a remarkable historical figure.
Reviewed in the United States on August 6, 2023
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I found Churchill Walking with Destiny to be a remarkable overview of his entire life. If only we had leaders today such as Churchill many tragedies would be averted in the world. His firm grasp of history gave him a keen understanding of events beforehand that were often ignored. One must know history; or they'll be doomed to repeat it. Sadly this saying is ignored by so many; especially our leaders who do not heed it.
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Daniel Putman
4.0 out of 5 stars A life of Churchill in great detail, insightful and informative (but not always)
Reviewed in the United States on September 21, 2022
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A heavily detailed account (982 pages of text) of Churchill’s life that I found enlightening and at times frustrating. Roberts is especially good at giving selections from Churchill’s speeches to the Commons and to the public and tying the speeches into the historical moments that Churchill faced. In the same vein he is also excellent at showing Churchill’s incredible ability to use the English language creatively throughout his life. Examples of Churchill’s humor are present throughout the book and never failed to give me both insight into the man and at the same time moments of levity. Roberts ties the major events of 20th century history extremely well into Churchill’s life. But Roberts also spends a good deal of space, especially after Churchill becomes prime minister, detailing data such as who had which position in the government ministries and there are places throughout the book in which some creative editing, not only about names, would have helped. It is obvious that a number of the individuals Roberts mentions (and their effect on policy and on Churchill himself) are critical to the story. Still, especially for those readers unfamiliar with English political history in the 20th century, the details at times can be tedious to go through. This is a monumental work of research both about Churchill and the country. It covers everything a reader would want to know about one of most important people in recent Western history. But there are times (quite a few) when the details overwhelm the flow of the narrative.
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NmL
5.0 out of 5 stars A Masterpiece by Roberts, an incredible life, both literally and metaphorically!
Reviewed in the United States on November 10, 2022
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It's rare to read a biography which has enough interesting historical content and significance to keep you glued for 50 hrs / 1000 pages. It's even rarer to know that it's well researched, always does it's best to show both sides of the coin and doesn't shy from being discriminatingly critical. Andrew Roberts manages to accomplish both of these virtues but on top of that, he also succeeds in weaving these stories in such beautiful and emotion evoking writing that at many times while reading it, I was in tears, moved as much by his writing as by Churchill's most incredible life, his genius, convictions, humor, once in a century leadership and vision and his faults.
I can't recommend this book enough to anyone who has the slightest interest in history or even literature. Don't be daunted by it's length because time will fly by as you're reading or listening to it. I was impatient in the beginning and wanted to read it as fast as possible but very quickly started enjoying it so much that reading it was the first thing I did in the morning and last thing at night. On top of being informative, the book is funny, thanks in part to Churchill's cool dry wit and the rest thanks to Roberts.
I love this book and am SO glad I discovered it by sheer accident. Don't pass it by, you'll be missing the story of a life one can't even fathom to aspire to.
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